1. INTRODUCTION:

1.1 Tamil Film Humour Analysis

Humour is vital in Society in everyday life and art forms like films. While entertaining, it reinforces cultural norms, values, and power dynamics (Meeta Munshi, 2017). Cross-cultural humour has challenged and supported social norms. Tamil cinema's humour often exposes social norms. Tamil cinema, or Kollywood, has long shaped South Indian culture, especially in Tamil Nadu, where it shapes viewers' daily lives, perceptions, and attitudes. Kollywood films now use strategic humour and intricate plots to engage audiences.

Tamil cinema, like the rest of Indian cinema, has evolved over the last century from stories about cultural pride and social values to more complex stories about socio-political change. Early Tamil cinema had 'track comedy' segments. These scenes introduce a comic relief character and break up the story. These brief scenes show women as passive, submissive, or overly emotional and men as dominant and authoritative, reflecting societal stereotypes. This tradition promoted harmless, uncritical humour to entertain. All of these operate from the vantage point of the male gaze (Archana Vasudev, 2018).

However, Tamil cinema's humour has changed with society and cinema. Tamil film humour has evolved as the industry has grown. Comedy is increasingly used in films to make nuanced social commentary and explore darker themes. From “track comedy” to integrated humour, Tamil Nadu's complex social identity and cultural evolution are captured. Black comedy and satire have increased in Tamil cinema due to this change. Gender roles, power dynamics, sexuality, and social hierarchies are increasingly addressed in the narratives. Humour can be seen as a reliever of emotions and a social commentary.

1.2 Research Goals:

This study examines how gendered humour in Tamil cinema reinforces or challenges gender hierarchies in how it plays out on screens and how women viewers consume them. Tamil cinema's humour often reflects gender norms, which limit women to traditional or objectified roles. Humour can normalise stereotypes and reinforce hierarchies and patriarchal ideals in these contexts. According to this study, Tamil film humour has reinforced and challenged patriarchal norms. The study uses semi-structured interviews with 30-- to 50-year-old homemakers to examine how they interpret gendered humour within their lives and societal expectations.

2. LITERATURE REVIEW:

Theoretical Perspectives on Humour and Gender:

Sociologists have always been curious about humour, examining its social functions and cultural ramifications and offering valuable perspectives on human interaction, group dynamics, and power structures. The incidence of gender stereotypes in humour is extensively well-documented across various media forms, including films. Research indicates that humour frequently reflects the dominant social norms and prevailing attitudes regarding gender. Meyer (2000) illustrates that humour in media functions as a mechanism of social control, subtly transmitting messages that uphold cultural values, frequently at the expense of marginalised groups. In Tamil cinema, humour that is gendered often draws upon entrenched stereotypes: women are portrayed as passive, emotionally unstable, or as mere objects for male gratification. Tamil cinema has a longstanding tradition of depicting women primarily in supportive or subordinate capacities, often relegated to the roles of homemakers or romantic interests, with minimal agency afforded to them (Kumar, 2018). It is instructive to consider the article on how gender representation articulates itself in school textbooks (Smita et al., 2020).

Tamil cinema, notably, is deeply influenced by patriarchal norms (Suguna Kasinathan, 2018), with humour frequently serving to reinforce a gendered hierarchy that positions men as superior. Intriguingly, such patriarchally tempered representations do not space even the self-consciously feminist films (Padmanabhan et al., 2018). The influx of many women artists and technicians into the film industry in general and Kollywood, in particular, has not altered the situation in favour of politically correct representation of women in Films (Valarmathi Subramaniam, 2018)

Humour surrounding female characters often portrays them as naïve, excessively loquacious, or lacking autonomy, perpetuating societal notions that women depend on male authority (Nandakumar, 2015). Research conducted by Saucier et al. (2016) reveals that gendered humour, especially within the realm of film, serves not merely as a source of entertainment but also plays a significant role in shaping societal perceptions of gender roles. This applies not just to comedienne but also to heroines of Tamil Films (M.R. et al., 2018). This tends to get more evident in the way transgenders or LGBTQ community members are portrayed in Tamil Films (Nanditha Ravindar, 2018; Rashmi V.R, 2018)

Furthermore, the concept of gendered humour frequently intersects with the idea of objectification. Mulvey’s (1975) theory of the male gaze elucidates how humour serves to diminish women to mere objects of visual gratification, wherein their bodies are disassembled and showcased for male pleasure. Tamil cinema often utilises this particular perspective, positioning women as mere objects of attraction rather than as independent and fully realised characters.

As articulated by R.W. Connell (1987), the notion of hegemonic masculinity plays a crucial role in examining gender representation in Tamil cinema, mainly through the lens of humour. Hegemonic masculinity denotes the culturally esteemed manifestation of masculinity that serves to validate male supremacy over women and individuals of other genders. Tamil films often reinforce the ideal of the “strong, decisive man” and the “submissive woman,” creating a humorous dynamic that ridicules women’s perceived “weaknesses” in order to glorify male strength and rationality (Nandy, 2001).

This portrayal aligns with findings from Rowena’s (2018) analysis of humour in Malayalam cinema, which parallels Tamil cinema in its use of humour to perpetuate hegemonic masculinity. Rowena notes that humour in Malayalam cinema frequently centres on male characters who gain power or exert control by utilising humour that targets women. With Tamil Films seamlessly fused into and mutually influencing TV Serials, the continuity in the patriarchally determined portrayal of the image of women in TV serials is striking (Shiva Shankaran, V. Ilamparithi, 2018)

Within the framework of postmodernity, works such as Soodhu Kavvum (2013) and Jigarthanda (2014) signify a notable shift from conventional comedic narratives, presenting masculinity as a multifaceted and often contentious construct. Although these films employ humour, they navigate this through a framework of masculinity that is simultaneously lauded and examined, mirroring societal concerns regarding the decline of conventional gender roles (Kailasam, 2017).

2.2 Methodological Framework:

This study on gendered humour in Tamil cinema utilises a qualitative methodology characterised by an interpretative research design emphasising a phenomenological perspective. The imperative informs this approach to comprehend the subjective interpretations and psycho-social responses of Tamil cinema audiences, particularly among homemakers aged 30-50, about gendered humour. Furthermore, the research utilises Stuart Hall’s Reception Theory alongside a post-structural feminist framework to analyse how individuals engage with media, highlighting processes that either uphold or challenge patriarchal norms. The frameworks established herein offer a sophisticated foundation for examining the intricate interplay between humour, gender, and power dynamics in Tamil cinema.

This research employs a phenomenological methodology to elucidate the participants' lived experiences and psychological responses thoroughly. Phenomenology, emphasising the nuances of individual experiences and their interpretations within the social realm, serves as a potent framework for investigating the subjective meanings that audiences ascribe to gendered humour in cinematic contexts (Creswell, 2013).

2.3 Selection of Sample and Collection of Data:

This study focuses on homemakers aged 30 to 50, selected for their significance as consumers of Tamil cinema and as individuals situated within a societal context that frequently enforces limiting gender norms. The demographic in question was chosen through purposive sampling, a non-random sampling method frequently utilised in qualitative research to guarantee that participants are directly relevant to the study's central themes (Patton, 2002).

The data collection process involved implementing open-ended interviews to elicit reflections on participants' perceptions of humour within Tamil cinema, particularly in scenes that objectify or belittle women. This format facilitated the researchers' ability to document the nuances in participant responses, thereby permitting a comparative analysis between individuals who perceived gendered humour as innocuous entertainment and those who regarded it as perpetuating detrimental stereotypes.

2.4 Conceptual Framework:

This research utilises Reception Theory and a post-structural feminist perspective to examine the reception, interpretation, and audience responses to gendered humour in Tamil cinema. Reception Theory suggests that audiences engage with media content actively, interpreting messages based on their unique backgrounds, cultural contexts, and personal beliefs.

The post-structural feminist perspective posits that gender is a socially constructed category shaped and perpetuated through discourse and cultural practices. This methodology helps analyse how humour in Tamil cinema mirrors and reinforces gender norms while also understanding the mechanisms through which individuals resist or navigate these societal constructs. Humour in Tamil cinema often reflects the dynamics of hegemonic masculinity, which seeks to establish dominance over women and marginalised populations. The post-structural feminist perspective emphasises the concept of agency, acknowledging that individuals can resist or subvert prevailing narratives, even within constraining cultural frameworks.

2.5 Data Analysis:

Data analysis was conducted using a thematic approach, which is well-suited for qualitative research and involves identifying, analysing, and reporting patterns or themes within data (Braun & Clarke, 2006). The thematic analysis allows researchers to move beyond descriptive accounts of participant responses and capture underlying themes related to gender, humour, and social norms.

2.6 Ethical Considerations:

The ethical dimensions of this study were of utmost importance, especially in light of the delicate issues surrounding gender and cultural identity. Informed consent was obtained from all participants, who were assured of the confidentiality and anonymity of their responses. Participants were informed that they could withdraw from the study without repercussions due to the focus on potentially sensitive topics. Ethical guidelines recommended by the American Sociological Association (ASA, 2018) were followed, ensuring respect, confidentiality, and informed consent in all research processes.

3. ANALYSIS AND INTERPRETATION OF DATA:

This section explores the reactions of homemakers within the age bracket of 30 to 50 towards gendered humour as presented in Tamil cinema. Utilising thematic analysis, several significant themes surfaced, each providing valuable insights into how participants understand and interpret gendered humour. This analysis, informed by Reception Theory (Hall, 1980) and post-structural feminist perspectives (Butler, 1990), examines the dual role of humour as a mechanism for reinforcing gender norms while simultaneously offering a nuanced arena for potential resistance.

3.1 The Reception of Gendered Humour:

The reception of humour, especially targeting women, exhibited considerable variation among the participants. Employing Hall’s Reception Theory as a foundational framework, this study delineated three principal interpretive positions: dominant readings, wherein participants embraced humour as innocuous entertainment; negotiated readings, in which humour was partially accepted yet recognised as contentious; and oppositional readings, where participants dismissed humour that perpetuated gender stereotypes. The interpretive positions elucidate the dynamic engagement of audiences in the media decoding process alongside the cultural foundations that inform their reactions (Hall, 1980).

3.1.1 Prevailing Interpretations:

A segment of the participants engaged with gendered humour through a lens of dominant interpretation, perceiving it as innocuous or charming. For these women, humour in Tamil films was often seen as a nostalgic connection to traditional values, where men were cast in protective, authoritative roles and women in supportive or endearing roles. For example, one participant expressed enjoyment of humour that portrayed women as “sensitive” or “overly emotional,” associating these portrayals with the “natural” role of women as caregivers. This acceptance of traditional stereotypes reflects what Bourdieu describes as habitus, where individuals internalise cultural norms and values so deeply that they become second nature (Bourdieu, 1984).

This prevailing interpretation was marked by a passive acquiescence to the existing social order, wherein humour was perceived as merely mirroring the prevailing realities. Participants frequently articulated sentiments such as “men are like that” or “women are more caring,” thereby revealing an internalisation of gender norms as either biologically or culturally predetermined. The responses indicate that humour, even when it perpetuates stereotypes, may be engaged with uncritically, as audiences appear to embrace these representations as an inescapable element of Tamil cinema and, consequently, their existence.

3.1.2 Negotiated Readings:

Most participants adopted a negotiated reading, where they recognised the problematic nature of gendered humour but made allowances for it, often rationalising it as “just part of the culture.” This ambivalence reflects the complexity of socialisation and the intersection of traditional values with modern, egalitarian ideals. Negotiated readings illustrate Hall’s assertion that audiences do not simply absorb media content but interpret it within their unique social and cultural contexts (Hall, 1980).

One participant articulated her unease regarding humour that objectifies women, particularly in instances where comedic emphasis is placed on women's physical attributes. Nevertheless, she justified her unease by asserting that “this is just how films are” and that it was “funny in its way.” This response resonates with Goffman’s (1979) concept of gender display, wherein individuals perform and embrace gendered behaviours as dictated by cultural scripts, even when they encounter aspects they may perceive as problematic. In this instance, participants acknowledged the presence of gender bias yet regarded it as an inherent aspect of the cinematic experience.

The motif of “it is just for fun” emerged prominently in negotiated readings, indicating a shared comprehension among participants that the representation of women in Tamil cinema is hyperbolic and serves a satirical purpose. Nevertheless, this rationalisation reveals a significant tension between prevailing cultural norms and individual values, as certain participants articulated apprehensions regarding the potential impact of such humour on the younger generations. This tension underscores the inherently negotiated character of their reception as they strive to reconcile cultural appreciation with a critical consciousness regarding gender representation.

3.1.3 Contrapuntal Interpretations:

A subset of participants engaged in an oppositional interpretation, overtly dismissing humour that they regarded as demeaning or objectifying towards women. The participants articulated significant critiques regarding depicting women as foolish or weak for humour. One respondent articulated her frustration through humour that hinged on the perceived incompetence of women, remarking, “Why should women always be the ones who do not know how to handle things?” This critical perspective underscores a profound understanding of how humour can sustain social hierarchies and bolster male dominance, resonating with Connell’s (1987) notion of hegemonic masculinity.

Individuals exhibiting oppositional interpretations demonstrated a propensity to analyse gendered humour through a critical framework, perceiving it as a tool that perpetuates patriarchal ideologies. These analyses frequently critique the narrative of male superiority ingrained in humour, echoing Butler’s (1990) concept of gender performativity, which posits that societal roles can be actively contested. The participants desired a more equitable representation within Tamil cinema, aspiring for humour that does not demean women.

3.2 Psycho-social Responses and Internalised Patriarchy:

The participants' responses illuminated a multifaceted interplay among humour, internalised patriarchy, and the influences of social conditioning. The phenomenon of internalised patriarchy, characterised by the acceptance of gender-based hierarchies as inherent or unavoidable, was manifest among participants who perceived gendered humour as a representation of “real life” rather than as a socially constructed stereotype. The internalisation of such attitudes was notably evident in responses that regarded humour demeaning to women as “natural” or “culturally appropriate.”

One participant articulated a resigned acceptance of humour that depicts women as dependent, remarking, “It has been like this forever; we just have to laugh along.” This sentiment underscores a manifestation of social conditioning, wherein sustained exposure to gendered humour culminates in its normalisation. This phenomenon can be elucidated through Bourdieu’s concept of doxa, wherein social norms become so deeply embedded that they are regarded as beyond question (Bourdieu, 1977). By laughing along with gendered humour, participants may unknowingly perpetuate the very stereotypes that limit their social roles, reinforcing the male-dominated narrative of Tamil cinema.

Conversely, some participants displayed an awareness of internalised patriarchy, acknowledging their discomfort with certain types of humour yet feeling compelled to accept it as part of the broader cultural landscape. This awareness led some women to reflect on their roles within the family and society, questioning how much their acceptance of humour resulted from cultural pressure. The theme of “vicarious pleasure” emerges prominently in this context, as several women articulate their enjoyment of “punching up” humour, wherein women outsmart or assert dominance over men. This form of humour provided participants with a fleeting reprieve from the constraints imposed by societal norms, facilitating a sense of empowerment, even if experienced indirectly.

4. DISCUSSION:

4.1 The Evolution of Humour in Tamil Cinema:

The progression of Tamil cinema from light-hearted comedic narratives to the realms of dark comedy and neo-noir genres mirrors the broader societal transformations and the prevailing anxieties surrounding evolving gender roles. Dark comedy has surfaced as a significant medium for examining intricate social issues, particularly those about gender relations. Films such as Soodhu Kavvum (2013) and Jigarthanda (2014) presented a distinctive form of humour that subverted conventional cinematic norms, effectively showcasing flawed or anti-heroic characters (Kailasam, 2017).

The transformation observed in Tamil cinema has significantly influenced the representation of women, as contemporary comedies increasingly feature female characters who challenge traditional stereotypes. Participants articulated a range of responses to this transformation: whereas some acknowledged the nuanced portrayal of contemporary female characters, others contended that the use of dark humour frequently objectified women or perpetuated violence against them, masquerading as satire. The concept of "normalised violence" surfaced as participants expressed unease regarding instances in which women were portrayed as victims of physical or verbal abuse within the context of dark comedy.

Nevertheless, this discomfort was frequently alleviated by the participants' recognition that dark comedy serves to interrogate rather than uphold societal norms. One respondent remarked, “I do not like how women are treated in these scenes, but I know it is supposed to make us think.” This observation resonates with critical cultural theory, which posits that media content should be analysed as entertainment and a vehicle for social critique (Adorno & Horkheimer, 1944). This interpretation posits that, although dark comedy may perpetuate specific stereotypes, it simultaneously creates an opportunity for critical reflection, encouraging audiences to interrogate societal norms rather than passively acquiesce to them.

4.2 Strategies for Countering Audience Engagement:

Considering the widespread nature of gendered humour, participants articulated various counterstrategies to navigate and resist forms of humour they deemed objectionable. The strategies employed encompassed selective viewing and the subversion of humour within their daily experiences. For example, participants deliberately steered clear of films that contained degrading humour, choosing instead to engage with films that presented more equitable gender representations. This mode of selective media consumption signifies a deliberate opposition to prevailing gender narratives and an aspiration to shape media experiences that resonate with individual values.

Moreover, participants utilised humour as a mechanism for nuanced resistance within their familial contexts. For example, one participant articulated her practice of emulating scenarios in which women exhibited dominance in humour, employing this strategy to engage in playful challenges with her husband during familial gatherings. Reframing media content exemplifies the micro-resistance strategies Weedon (1997) articulated, wherein individuals subverted dominant ideologies through quotidian interactions.

The counter strategies elucidate the agency participants' navigation of gendered humour. Although they may engage with and derive pleasure from Tamil cinema, they do not assume a passive role in this interaction. Through the implementation of selective viewing practices and the utilisation of humour as a critical tool, individuals partake in nuanced acts of resistance that challenge and destabilise patriarchal norms. This agency emphasises the intricate nature of audience reception, illustrating that even within a cultural context that frequently perpetuates gender hierarchies, individuals can assert their autonomy and reinterpret media messages in alignment with their values.

4. 3 Humour as a Social Construct and Enforcer of Norms:

The findings indicate that humour is a socially constructed phenomenon that mirrors and perpetuates cultural expectations regarding gender. In Tamil cinema, gendered humour often articulates hegemonic masculinity, relegating women to secondary roles or subjects of ridicule. This aligns with Connell’s theory of hegemonic masculinity, which suggests that cultural practices elevate dominant masculine traits while marginalising femininity. Participants recognised humour as a benign representation of reality, indicating that audiences often engage with gendered humour without critical scrutiny, thus perpetuating established gender hierarchies.

As described by Bourdieu, humour operates within a doxic framework, where gender roles are depicted as fixed and non-negotiable. For instance, humour portraying women as overly emotional or dependent on men not only reflects cultural standards but also reinforces these stereotypes, presenting them as inherent to femininity. This embedded nature of humour underscores its role as a subtle yet impactful socialisation mechanism, perpetuating cultural values through laughter rather than overt instruction. In this context, humour serves as a form of "soft power," subtly maintaining patriarchal ideals without explicit enforcement.

4. 4 The Role of Humour in Affirming Patriarchal Ideals:

The study reveals that humour in Tamil cinema often reinforces patriarchal ideals by normalising male dominance and marginalising female agency. The Superiority Theory posits that humour frequently involves a social hierarchy where one group, typically men, enjoys disparaging another group, usually women. The findings illustrate how humour affirms masculinity, positioning male characters as authoritative and competent while relegating female characters to subordinate or inept roles. This dynamic perpetuates a conventional gender hierarchy, where men embody rationality and authority while women are depicted as needing male oversight.

Participants who viewed gendered humour as harmless highlight the entrenched characteristics of patriarchal socialisation, reflecting a perception of male superiority as "natural." This illustrates how humour can contribute to cultural hegemony, where dominant groups maintain their power not through coercion but by securing the consent of subordinate groups. By laughing at humour that portrays women negatively, audiences inadvertently normalise gender hierarchies, reinforcing the notion of male superiority. Moreover, the justification of humour as "just for fun" minimises the significance of sexism within cultural frameworks. This trivialisation overlooks the cumulative effects of media representations on individual self-concept and societal perceptions of gender roles. Feminist media scholars argue that the seemingly light-hearted nature of humour often conceals its more profound ideological roles, which may reinforce harmful stereotypes while masquerading as entertainment. Thus, unexamined humour can facilitate the normalisation of gender inequality.

4. 5 Humour as a Medium for Social Anxiety and Gender Identity:

The analysis indicates that humour in Tamil cinema often reflects societal anxieties surrounding gender roles and evolving gender identities. The emergence of dark humour and neo-noir genres signifies a transformation in masculinity representation, depicting male characters in morally ambiguous situations. This aligns with postmodern theorists' observations regarding reactions to the decline of conventional norms. The prevalence of dark humour suggests societal discomfort with the stability of masculine identities, as contemporary portrayals increasingly depict men as vulnerable or flawed.

However, while dark humour critiques traditional masculinity, it often fails to empower female characters, relegating them to mere instruments in male narratives. The normalisation of violence against women in dark comedy illustrates a troubling trend where women become symbolic casualties in male-centric stories. This aligns with Mulvey's concept of the male gaze, where women's bodies are objectified to satisfy male audiences. In dark humour, this objectification is exacerbated by narratives that treat women as tools for exploring male identity crises rather than as fully developed individuals.

4.6 The Function of Agency and Resistance in Audience Interpretation:

Despite humour's tendency to reinforce patriarchal norms, the study uncovers instances of audience agency and resistance, where participants actively reinterpret or reject gendered humour. Some participants challenged humour that objectified or demeaned women, demonstrating conscious resistance to gender stereotypes. This aligns with Butler's notion of gender performativity, where individuals resist and negotiate assigned gender roles, engaging in a continuous process of redefinition.

The contrasting interpretations highlight the importance of reflexivity in audience understanding as participants critically analyse the humour they encounter. This reflexive process acknowledges how humour constructs and mirrors social identities, leading some participants to denounce gendered humour as harmful. These findings emphasise that audiences are not merely passive consumers but engaged participants capable of interrogating and challenging prevailing narratives.

Furthermore, the participants' counter strategies illustrate how humour can be reappropriated to align with individual values. Participants use micro-resistance strategies by selectively viewing films or employing humour that emphasises female agency. This nuanced resistance allows individuals to navigate and contest patriarchal frameworks, subverting conventional gender roles through everyday actions. The agency exhibited by these participants indicates that, while Tamil cinema may reinforce patriarchal ideals, audiences can reinterpret media messages in ways that affirm their autonomy.

4.7 The Paradox of Humour: Cohesion and Fragmentation:

The study reveals a paradox: Humour serves as a mechanism for social cohesion and a catalyst for division. Humour unites audiences, facilitating shared laughter and collective amusement and fostering a sense of communal identity. This aligns with Durkheim’s concept of collective effervescence, where humour cultivates a collective cultural experience, reinforcing Tamil identity and values.

However, humour can also create divisions by marginalising groups, particularly women, who often become subjects of ridicule. This bifurcated nature of humour reflects sociocultural dynamics of inclusion and exclusion, illustrating how women navigate their simultaneous participation in and alienation from Tamil culture. Humour thus functions as a dual mechanism—entertaining while reinforcing social demarcations that position women as "other" in Tamil cinema. This tension underscores humour's complex role in social dynamics, promoting cohesion while sustaining exclusion.

4.8 Advancing Towards a More Inclusive Understanding of Humour:

The findings suggest an opportunity to reconceptualise humour in Tamil cinema, fostering inclusivity and challenging established gender norms. By embracing humour that does not subjugate or objectify women, filmmakers can use humour as a vehicle for social transformation rather than merely reinforcing societal norms. This redefinition aligns with critical cultural theory, advocating for media to confront social inequalities.

Participants preferred humour that uplifts rather than diminishes, highlighting the potential for narratives honouring diverse gender identities. Humour that challenges conventional gender roles or portrays women in empowered positions can cultivate a more egalitarian cinematic landscape. This approach would enhance Tamil cinema's cultural significance while reflecting the evolving values of a progressive audience.

5. CONCLUDING OBSERVATIONS:

This research offers a sophisticated examination of gendered humour within Tamil cinema, illuminating its dual function as a perpetrator of conventional gender norms and a possible arena for understated resistance. The findings illuminate the significant role of humour as a cultural mechanism that entertains and socialises, subtly perpetuating gender hierarchies through laughter. Nevertheless, the agency exhibited by participants who interrogate, dismiss, or recontextualise gendered humour underscores the potential for evolving social norms and the reconfiguration of gender dynamics within the cinematic landscape. Through the reconfiguration of humour to depict women with depth and autonomy, Tamil cinema possesses the capacity to cultivate a more inclusive and equitable media environment. This research enriches the extensive dialogue surrounding media, gender, and culture, highlighting the imperative for critically examining humour as a catalyst for social transformation.

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Received on 01.12.2024 Revised on 12.02.2025

Accepted on 15.03.2025 Published on 20.08.2025

Available online from September 02, 2025

Res. J. of Humanities and Social Sciences. 2025;16(3):223-230.

DOI: 10.52711/2321-5828.2025.00037

This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 4.0 International License. Creative Commons License.