INTRODUCTION:

Development projects have led to a systematic exploitation of people and the environment. This has strengthened the power structures which ensure the flow of benefits from the periphery to the centre. The Displaced people/Project affected people (DPs/PAPs) neither get on-project jobs due to the mechanised nature of these projects nor become part of the official employment data. If we include the DPs/PAPs as unemployed then the number of unemployed in India would be greatly increased. Development-induced displacement or loss of land results in the marginalisation and impoverishment of the DPs/PAPs, particularly of the weaker sections. Aware of the overall negative reaction from the people, the project authorities sought the co-operation of the village leaders and presented the project as being for the good of all.

Development projects which displace people from their own habitat have only benefited the powerful, the high castes, and the urban population. These categories enjoy project benefits like irrigation, employment, electricity, and other infra-structural gains, and so are unable to understand the sufferings and the marginalisation of the displaced population. Therefore, it is necessary to initiate dialogue between these two groups-the losers (the original owners) and the gainers. In order to question these development models and their approach to environment and the displaced population, the victims of these macro-development projects are now rejecting these models of development. They feel that they have been cheated into giving up their lands and access to natural resources for some vague national interest and for the comforts of the minority.

In all these projects information regarding the project and details of displacement were not shared with the people to be displaced. The projects that displaced the people have a social obligation to train those who pay the price of development. Not focusing on the displaced people's development, it is indicative of the project official’s callous attitude. Non-involvement of the displaced people in the project exposes the lack of partnership and therefore, lack of development.

Displacement has been seen as a process that begins with the announcement of the project and continues long after the people have lost their land and livelihood. Such a definition not only includes the narrow concept of physical oustees from the old habitat but also a process of sincere rehabilitation. The danger is greater if the DPs are not resettled immediately after their displacement.

The amount of land taken over from the people for the project is not always in proportion to the land required for the project. Most of the land is meant for the township and other staff facilities. This raises questions about the need to render so many lands. While the need to give the staff a certain amount of comfort as a mode of preventing high staff turnover and of ensuring that the project is run efficiently is undeniable, beyond a certain limit, it means that the rural poor pay the price for such comforts in the name of national development.

The trauma related with displacement or other forms of forced loss of livelihood is felt differently by different caste groups and tribes. The impact of the projects in the forest/hill areas creates shortage of Non-Timber Forest Produces (NTFP) for DPs and for PAP. More than 50 percent of their food had come from the forest before their displacement. With displacement they were deprived of these sources of sustenance with no alternatives available.

DPs/PAPs had been deprived of their land and common property resources (CPR) and were not provided with any alternatives even in the form of unskilled jobs. In most cases compensation was low and inadequate to begin a new life. In all the projects compensation was not paid for CPR. In particular, NTFP became scarce, Though National Aluminium Company (NALCO) has an environmental regeneration scheme under which thousands of trees have been planted, and these are not accessible to the PAPs since these are mostly commercial species and have been fenced off.

The NALCO was established in 1981 with the aim of producing aluminium from the vast bauxite deposits in Koraput district. It has three operations in Odisha: (a) Bauxite mines in the Panchpatmali hills of Koraput district with deposits of 112.8 million tons; (b) Alumina refinery complex in Damanjodi, Koraput District, 11 kms from the mines. It has an installed capacity of eight lakh tonnes of alumina annually; (c) Out of this 4.25 lakh tonnes are transported to its smelter plant at Anugul, Anugul district. The plant has a captive power plant with a capacity of 55.5 MW as against its actual need of 32 MW. The original cost of the project was estimated at 680 million US dollars but completion of the project has cost the public sector company 980 million US dollars.

The NALCO operations in Damanjodi and Panchpatmali hills have affected 26 villages. Total 597 families were displaced out of which 254 are tribal, 56 are dalit and the rest are belonged to other communities. A few more families will probably be displaced in the near future. Out of the 10,058.76 acres of land acquired, 427.30 acres was for mines, 2,638.96 acres for townships and 6,992.50 acres for the refinery plant. Out of the acquired land, 2,805.49 ha (40.94 per cent) was government land which was used as CPR of the local inhabitants, for which no compensation was paid. All the surrounding villages depended on this land for many of their needs such as fruits, leaves, flowers, etc, which formed their main food in the lean season. More than 70 villages used the area to collect roof materials. And out of the acquired land, 2,834.56 ha (41.36 percent) were agricultural lands.

The first notification for land take-over was issued on 12^th August 1981, in the Odisha Gazette Extraordinary. A total of Rs 1,48,73,474.52/-has been paid as compensation for patta land alone. No compensation was paid for CPR. Depending on the size, on average Rs 150 per tree was paid.

The NALCO displaced people had seen the travails of the DPs of Sunabeda. At the same time, they knew that they did not have the political backing required to prevent the project. Their reaction was predominantly of fear, anger and despair. The inhabitants of Barangput village were trusted and convinced that what the than Prime Minister Indira Gandhi decided to do was bound to be for their personal as well as national development. Initially the DPs agitated against the project itself. Slowly they settled down to demanding land, jobs, and better resettlement. The agitation went on for several months, till a few of their demands were met. In Analabadi village, the people were deprived of their land to rehabilitate those who were to be displaced by the project. There was also agitation in the other villages where land was taken away for the project. The people of the village which was most active in the agitation were shifted to a new spot. Without any agitation, the DPs would have not received any benefits.

Out of 597 families displaced, 441 have been rehabilitated in the Analabadi colony, for which Analabadi villagers were deprived of their land. 156 more houses were built; 352 of these families have been given job, i.e. one member from one family. Those were happy about the formula of compensation were the middle classes and predominantly the high caste Mali community who had more land than they could cultivate. They hoped to get a high price for it which they would be able to invest in other businesses. They received more than Rs 50,000/-in compensation though the amount paid per acre was only around Rs 2,000/-, The Malis of the neighbouring villages were prepared to sell their land to the project. If these lands were bought they could have been used for the rehabilitation of the DPs on a land for land basis or at least to replace their CPR, and which would have made their transition easier. The alternative was not considered, though most DPs/PAPs were belonged to tribal and other communities those who were traditionally depended on Land and CPR.

REVIEW OF LITERATURE:

Ota’s (2010) empirical study on TATA Steel Kalinga Nagar project, Orissa brought out the core issues causing tribal resistance and has also suggested possible solutions to overcome the longstanding deadlocks. The study was primarily undertaken with the main objective to understand the entire dynamics of displacement, resettlement, and rehabilitation of the Affected People of the Project (APP). Author of this report has given a detailed analysis of the factors responsible for the continued resistance by the Project Affected People (PAP) in the Project Affected Region (PAR) and identification of the critical Rehabilitation and Resettlement (RandR) issues and also made a modest attempt to suggest the ways and means to overcome the unresolved issues.

Roche (2001) summaries the results of joint action research, which are undertaken by a number of international and local NGOs. The focus of this paper was to gain a more direct understanding of impact assessment and discussed the impact assessment in broader context of a growing critique of international NGOs. The author also points out some of the key issues that impact assessment processes need to address about the power and participation. Finally the paper ends by exploring some of the broader policy issues that emerge from the findings, notably in relation to the organizational context; poverty and gender impact; the links between resource allocation and impact assessment; and how impact assessment, in combination with other changes, might help international NGOs not only to achieve more, but also to be more accountable.

Christopher (1994); Vanclay, and Bronstein (1995); addressed the major issues and controversies in the field of environmental and social impact assessment. Christopher (2000) explained the practical and theoretical approaches, methods, and techniques used to uncover the social effects of change. Presenting a clear synthesis of literature scattered across a range of sources, and the author examined the relationship of social impact assessment with planning and policy making.

Research works of Charles (2011), Richard (1998), John (2002), and David (2003) addressed a wide range of problem-solving practices in both action and applied research in the areas of Social Impact Assessment (SIA). They also discussed about the methodological approaches of environmental impact assessment (EIA) to facilitate more effective EIA process management. Leistritz (1986) summarizeD the existing knowledge in the field of social impact assessment and focused on population changes, employment changes, displacement and relocation, neighbourhood disruption, noise impacts, leisure-recreation impacts, and stress etc.

Lynn, Goodman, and Hare (1975), attempted to explain and demonstrate how to construct and use the strategy for assessing the impacts of transportation. It described an approach for systematic prediction of the impacts of large-scale projects such as transportation improvements. Becker (1997) discussed the state-of-the-art techniques in social impact assessment.

Ronald, and Barry (2004); and also Ekins and Voituriez (2009) provided information and guidance on EIA and strategic environmental assessment (SEA) with particular application to developing countries and countries in transition to market economies. Their issues also discuss the experience of trade SIA to date, and the extent to which they have achieved their objectives and improved the outcomes of trade negotiations in SIA. Colombo (1991) discussed some sociological aspects connected with Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA), and focuses on the field of Social Impact Assessment and its relation with EIA on the sociological implications of different EIA models.

Peter, and Riki (2009); emphasized the workforce involved in the construction and operation of major project which is likely to be drawn partly from local sources and partly from further afield. Gartner, and Lime (2000) explained the current status of impacts in recreation and tourism. This article highlights the social, economic, cultural, political, and environmental concerns upon tourism and recreation. Bizer et al. (2010) pointed out genuine need for further investments in data collection- to identify and collect the relevant data needed for impact analysis. Erickson (1994) discussed the various issues of the assessment process which will help ecologists, environmental scientists, and civil engineers to identify the conceptual foundation of the assessments. Porter (1980) discussed the basic features of an assessment and strategies for particular assessments.

A report by Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD, 2010) offers a general introduction to sustainability impact assessment; which is an approach for exploring the combined economic, environmental and social impacts of a range of proposed policies, programmes, strategies, and other challenges of globalization. A Report by Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific, United Nations (UNESCAP, 2002) reviewed EIA process in the region and an assessment and evaluation of several recent studies and suggested improved and more effective EIA process. An Interim report by Massachusetts Institute of Technology on Social impact assessment (1993) highlights the impacts on the role of fishermen’s organisations.

The current reviewed literature for the present study emphasized on various issues and concerns of impact caused by large number of ongoing development projects. Some studies highlight the entire dynamics of displacement, resettlement, and rehabilitation. Most of the works focused on understanding of impact assessment and discussed the impact assessment in broader context. Some authors examined the relationship of social impact assessment with planning and policy making and try to address the major issues and controversies in the field of environmental and social impact assessment. Finally few works addresses a wide range of problem solving practices in both development actions and applied research in the areas of social impact assessment.

MATERIALS AND METHODS:

Data pertaining to this research work was collected from both primary as well as secondary sources. Primary source data collected through direct field observations based on interview, schedules, and case studies. Secondary information for the study was collected from various libraries and offices by referring books, journals, reports, records and documents. Observation method and Interview method were used for the study where researcher prepared various questions to extract information covering every aspect of the problem and issues related to social impact assessment. A comprehensive questionnaire schedule format was developed to collect the social, cultural, and economic aspects. Focus group discussions were organised in the field to extract information on specific issues. Census survey method was adopted to get basic demographic statistics like age, sex, location, income levels, household articles, ethnicity, education, social status, livestock details, etc. Since the present study deals with the past events related to establishment of NALCO and its subsequent impact on displaced communities, in this regard, historical method was also adopted to get clear account of past conditions. Five point rating scale was used for the purpose of collecting opinion on issues like living conditions, impact of government programmes and acceptance of others at rehabilitated sites from the respondents of displaced villages.

Koraput district is located on a section of Eastern Ghat in two agro-climatic zones namely Eastern Ghat High Land and South-Eastern Ghat Zone. The geographical area of the district is 8807 Sq. Kms. Geographically, the district is located between 18 degree and 19 degree North Latitude and 82 degree and 83 degree East Longitude in extreme southern part of Odisha state. Empirical research carried out in four villages namely Behraguda, Lungri, Mania, and Kardiguda of Koraput district for present paper. All the four villages are displaced by NALCO and they are situated at distance of 50 Kms radius from district head quarters Koraput.

Stratified purposive random sampling procedure was followed to identify the displaced and land affected families in the studied block to select the sample size. Randomisation was done on the basis of demographic documents did by village panchayat office. To stratify the various aspects of sample of research, initially identified the fully affected block by NALCO activities, than out of this block partially and fully affected panchayats were segregated, later selected the villages from segregated panchayats, from the selected villages sample picked randomly. Sample sizes of 146 households from four villages were considered for this paper. The total population of the study area was 660.

RESULTS AND DISCUSSION:

For the analysis of socio-cultural and economic aspects of the displaced villages, data of 146 households were collected from four NALCO displaced villages. The total population of the study area was 660 which include 53.64% male and 46.36% female. The sex ratio and average family size are 864 and 4.53 respectively. The sex ratio of 0-6 year’s age group is 1083. The percentage of Scheduled Tribe population was more in the studied sample which accounts for 54.11% and the next populous community in the study was Scheduled Caste. Religion wise 86.9% house holds fall under the Hindu group and rest 13.01% were Christian. The dependency ratio among displaced households is 0.38. The literacy rate of studied people is 60.33% where the male literacy is 59.51% and female literacy is 40.49%. Among all the literates majority 32.61% of them were pursued only upto primary standard. The natives who studied upto graduation comprise 8.42% and none of the people studied above graduation. The demographic data reveals that 49.7% were married; the percentage of un-married people comes to 46.52 and the concentration of widow/widower or separated accounts 3.79%. The average marriage distance of study area is 9.67 Kms (Table-1 and 2).

Table–1: Demographic picture of the studied households

Demographic Particulars	Frequency
Total Households	146
Total Population	660
Total Male Population	354 (53.64%)
Total Female Population	306 (46.36%)
Sex Ratio	864
Dependency ratio	0.38
Average family size	4.53
Total Literate	60.33%
Total Non-Literate	39.67
Married Population	49.7%
Un-married Population	46.52%
Widow/ widower Population	3.79%

Table-2: Community wise and religion wise distribution of the studied households

Religion	%	Community (%)
		ST	SC	OBC	Gen
Hindu	86.99	54.11	29.45	12.33	4.11
Christian	13.01

In the sampled villages, 99% households are under bellow poverty line (BPL), where minimum annual income is Rs. 3000/-, the maximum annual income is Rs.216000/-and average annual income of the households are Rs. 49088/-Marginalization occurs when families lose economic power and their economic position moves downwards. Loss of access to common property resources (forestland, grazing land, ponds, tanks, riverbeds, etc.) leads to fall in income and livelihood for poor people, particularly the landless and asset less people. The main adverse effect of displacement is that the income of the displaced people is affected to a great extent due to dislocation of economic activities.

The minimum annual expenditure per household in the sampled villages is Rs. 17300/-, the maximum annual expenditure is Rs.488000/-and average annual expenditure is Rs. 48996/- and the major expenditure heads are food, health, household articles, rituals and family ceremonies.

Still after implementation of the Jandhan Yojana, 33% households in the sampled villages have saving accounts and rest 67% does not have any kind of saving account. Out of total 33% households having saving accounts, 94% saved in Banks, 4% in LICs and 2% in post offices. They have very marginal savings. Out of 33% households who save money, most of them (98%) save annually up to Rs. 5000/- and 2% households up to Rs. 10000/-

For managing the family expenditure, 28% households borrowed money from various sources. Most of families (63%), made debit from money lenders which is very risky and having high compound interest. However, 24% took from relatives and 12% from friends and no one took loan from bank which is safe and rate of interest is less. In inquiring about this, they reveal that they do not have patta land (registered land deed), no regular source of income, no saving accounts hence banks are denying to pay loan to them. Household wise, the minimum debit amount is Rs. 2000/-, maximum debit amount per household is Rs. 30000/-, and the average debit amount per household is Rs. 8465/-

Among the displaced population, 42% households do not have land and 58% households have landholdings of limited extent. Considering modern amenities, like TV, Dish antenna, Mobile, Radio, Water Pump, Refrigerator, Washing Machine, Pressure Cooker, Cooking Gas, Sewing Machine, Bicycle, Motor-cycle, Tractor, Well, Solar Light, Generator, Electricity, etc, most of the households are lagging behind. Livestock production is a very complex system, which has many interrelated components such as climate, soil, plants and obviously animals operating with a high degree of interaction within a certain economic and social environment (Sidahmed and Koong, 1984). Among the studied households, 55% households have livestock and 45% do not have.

The living condition of the displaced people is also clearly visible from their house type. Mostly they are living in semi-pucca house (81%), next type of house is mud walled-thatched roof house (14%) and only 5% households are in pucca nature. Among the studied displaced households, 95% houses have no toilet facility. The sources of drinking water in the sampled villages are open well (52%), Hand Pump (35%), and Tap water (10%). Still 3% houses used pond water for drinking purpose. As industries established in the studied area and their natural resources lost and loss of traditional knowledge and sacred people; presently 98% people accessing health service from Government hospitals and only 2 % depend on traditional healers. Total 78% households adopted family planning and 23% children of the studied household have immunised, and 77% are not immunised.

They are landless. There is lack of other employment rather than labourer. For their requirement, they took advance payment from the contractor and in return, they worked in a very low wages. Somehow, families involve in labour work under contractors are exploited by the contractors. Villages have lack civic amenities. Children are deprived of schooling. Members of the 61% households consumed alcohol. Minimum one and maximum 2 members consumed alcohol and average alcohol consumption status in a family is 1.12 persons. Out of total 61% alcohol consumed households; in 99% households, alcohol was consumed occasionally; whereas only in 1% household, it is regularly consumed.

Among the studied households, 42% household members are self-employed. The major self-employment is in agricultural work of their land, next to agriculture is business 24%.

Patriarchal norms are reinforced and dominate in the social fabric which forced women not to work as an unskilled worker in the informal sector. One of its consequences is that the community members including the women internalize the ideology of women’s subjugation and accept their subordinate status. Women who are deprived of their sustenance have to depend on the single salary of their husbands. If they get job outside the project, they are mostly daily wage unskilled ones. Many men who are given job as peons or maintenance staff in the project office refuse to allow their wives to take them up because it is “below the dignity of an office worker” to have his wife doing “menial work” (Menon, 1995). Thus, women are reduced to being homemakers alone and are no more contributors to the family economy. Influenced by outsiders men spend a substantial amount of their earnings on clothes, entertainment and other trivia, thus leaving a relatively small amount for the women to run the household (Goga D’Souza, 2002). Thus, even when the family’s economic status improves, the women’s social status deteriorates. Development policies are rarely, if ever, gender neutral (Beneria and Sen, 1986; Deere, 1995; Gladwin, 1991; Spring, 2000). Gender relations are changing rapidly in most parts of the world and, for gender interventions to be effective they cannot only target women. In many parts of the world, rising female workforce participation and reduced employment prospects for Un-or Semi-Skilled male workers have led to major shifts in balance of power within households (Safa, 1995). Overall, in 12 % families, there are dependent widows. Members of 6% households are getting old age pension. It is accompanied by a decline in their nutritional and health status. For example, in a context of food shortage, girls and the homemaker get very little food. Malnutrition is its consequence. In other cases, impoverishment forces the family to send young girls out to middle class families as domestic workers as many Adivasis in Orissa (Fernandes and Raj 1992) and Assam tea gardens and elsewhere do (Fernandes and Barbora 2002). In many cases the tribal customary laws are manipulated in favour of men and against women (Nongbri, 1998). In this study, it is found that only 0.7% families’ women are engaged in outside work, and the nature of work is agricultural labourer. None of the females of studied households received Government benefits. Only 14% females are skilled. Some tribal men got semi-skilled job at NALCO, Damanjodi; because a voluntary agency trained them in a few skills. All other semi-skilled job went to persons form the dominant castes. Some projects give technical training to DPs/PAPs who have adequate educational qualifications but it rarely helps women. Even among the dominant castes, in rural areas only boys study up to the high schools. Only 3% females headed the houses.

In a five point rating scale, the views of respondents of the households were collected, and it is found that 29% rated their living condition as average and 71% rated it poor. Combining all the scores, it was found that the overall living condition of the displaced/land affected people is within the condition of poor and below average (Table-3).

Table–3: Living condition of the studied houses

Living condition	No.	%
Very good	0	0
Good	0	0
Average	42	29
Below average	0	0
Poor	104	71
Total	146	100
0.6 ~ 1 (Overall Living condition is in below average rank)

Every respondent narrate that due to the NALCO industry they have displaced or lost land and it affect their kinship system and their traditional political system. In a five point rating scale, the views on the acceptance of others in rehabilitated site is collected and it is found that 100% narrated that they are reluctantly accepted in rehabilitated site (Table-4).

Table–4: Acceptance of others to the displaced people in rehabilitated site

Acceptance of others in rehabilitated site	No.	%
Gladly	0	0
Reluctantly	146	100
Un-generously	0	0
Bitterly	0	0
Neutrally	0	0
Total	146	100
2.99~ 3 (Reluctantly)

In a five point rating scale, the views of respondents of the households were collected, and it is found that 97% rated that the effectiveness of government programme is average in nature, 2% rated below average and 1% rated it poor. Overall rating of respondents on the Effectiveness of government programmes is within poor and below average rank (Table-5).

Table–5: Respondents views on the effectiveness of government programmes

Effectiveness of government programmes	No.	%
Very good	0	0
Good	0	0
Average	1	1
Below average	3	2
Poor	142	97
Total	146	100
0.09 ~ 0.1 (within poor and below average rank)

When household wise opinion on working status of panchayat was compiled, it is observed that 47% respondents are not satisfied with the work of the Panchayat. Respondents views on the impressive work of panchayat is better health facility (37%), followed by construction of community centre (20%). Inquiring the views on their expectation from industry, it is observed that 60% viewed fair compensation, 32% on training for self employment, 5% on contractual job, and 3% on infrastructural facility from industry. It was found that all the respondents (100%) expecting following facilities from Government i.e. water, road, electricity, school, health, recreational facility, and homestead land patta (land deed).

From the declarations of NALCO, it is found that out of 635 displaced families (displaced-600 families in Damanjodi sector and 35 families in Angul sector) employment has been provided to 630 nominees. Nominations from balance five families have been taken up at appropriate level. Even from these, jobs have been provided to 1212 persons so far and 68 have opted for cash assistance. For enhancing employability potential, the company has been sponsoring ITI and skill up-gradation training to youngsters of affected families, with minimum matriculation qualification.

Large disparities in living standards, displacement form tradition lands and territorial recourse, exploitation in the works place and humiliation in day-to-day transactions mark the displaced people (especially STs and SC) as a population apart in the studied area. As such, they are far from realizing the country’s constitutional ideas of equality. Significant improvement in STs and SCs life can no longer rely on notions of charity and solutions designed by well-meaning experts and leaders.

The fragmentation and scattering of the displaced people from their villages and their integration into highly exploitative, migratory livelihoods has left them with a very tenuous connection to their homes and hamlets. To other members of their society in different places, the displaced people appears to be vagabonds and tramps with no ties to life or claims to land. The resulting vulnerability to enclosure and eviction is greatly compounded by a long and dramatic history of social exclusion and active prejudice. The majority of displaced people were diminishing their livelihood and living conditions and access to civic amenities.

People who are forced to relocate have to begin life anew in place that may be totally unfamiliar, if not altogether hostile. It is not only homes and livelihood that are lost. Resettlement is also socially disruptive, because people are not necessarily moved together in a group as they have lived for years. With long established social network gone, economic recovery becomes doubly difficult, and people are left to face an uncertain future in difficult circumstances. The trauma of resettlement is also exacerbated for ST, and SC displaced people because of their close spiritual ties to their homeland and their apprehension that once they move, their way of life will be lost forever.

Displacement is very traumatic experience, and as if displacement once in a lifetime is not enough there are cases, where people had to relocate several times. Such displacement is avoidable, but often it occurs on a large scale due to the callous attitude of the projects authorities that unthinkingly acquire large chunks of land, which then turn out to be in much excess of their requirement, and remain unused. In some cases, large areas are acquired by industries, which fall to come up. But this leaves the evicted people landless, without giving them in return any comparable means of sustenance.

They are victims of displacement in part because of their combined poverty and powerlessness, which is then compounded by forced removal. Due to neglect and lack of capacity to secure justice because of structural inequities, cultural dissonance, discrimination and economic and political marginalization, displaced ST and SC peoples have suffered disproportionately from the negative impacts of industries, while often being excluded from sharing in the benefits. They face relatively more risks of impoverishment because they rarely go to courts to vindicate their rights or get the wrongs redressed. On the contrary, project officials tend to deny them even their due. It is common for the officials to keep the project cost low by calculating compensation amount for land on the lower side, denying especially the ST and SC displaced the real value of their properties.

The reasons why the tribal people when displaced are often more at risk, facing more dire consequences than the non-tribal people, was succinctly highlighted in a Government of India report. The Report (GOI, 1984) noted: “While the problem of displacement upsets not only the tribal population but also the general population who come within the submergence of acquisition area, there are some basic points of difference in the type of difficulties faced by the two communities. The most important one related to the cultural aspects of life. While the kinship of the general population is spared far and wide, this is not true of the tribal groups whose habitation may be confined only to certain specific areas. Any unsettlement in the case of the later, therefore, deals a far more crushing blow to their socio-cultural life than the case of the former. Secondly, on account of low educational level and a tradition of a life comparative exclusiveness and isolation, the Scheduled Tribes find adjustment more difficult in an alien location. The third important reason for which the displacement is felt is that the former depend for their living including trade, profession and calling, on roots and fruits, minor forest produce, forest raw materials, game and birds and the natural surrounding and endowment, far more than the general population. The rehabilitation programmes of the displaced families taken up in various states generally do not take into account this particular aspect of the tribal displacement. Finally, the Scheduled Tribes being economically the weakest of all communities find it harder than other to settle on new locations on a different sites settlement.”

The prospect of living in new settlements, with civic amenities not in accord with their lifestyles, was not very attractive and living in clustered colony conflicts with their traditional dispersed pattern of living. A lack of socio-cultural concerns of the tribal people backfired in a resettlement colony. The ignorance of tribal way of life frequently has been one of the reasons for people deserting the resettlement sites.

There is nothing more traumatic than getting physically displaced from own home and hearth which one has been enjoying for ages and shattering culture and kinship linkages with kins and relatives built over several generations.

The displaced, generally belong to the most underprivileged and disadvantaged communities, are pushed into impoverishment, marginalization and further backwardness in the absence of proper resettlement and rehabilitation. This is a blatant violation of both the Fundamental Rights- the right to settle and reside anywhere in the country [Article 19 (I) (e)] and the right to life and livelihood [Article 21] and Human Rights (Jai Sen, 1995). This also implies de-facto lack of social justice and inequality in the involuntary resettlement process. In a welfare state, it is an irony that the benefits of development have not been shared by all section of society. In the development process that has been pursued in the country, the displaced people only share the pains of development while others share the gains. Needless to say, it is completely contrary to the very goals and spirit of development.

When people are displaced from their homeland, their economy and social relationship and ties get affected to a great extent and the effects of such displacement on oustee population, according to Cernea (1994), may get reflected in the form of:-

1. Dismantling of production system;

2. Disorganization of residential settlements;

3. Loss of many jobs and assets;

4. Disruption of local markets;

5. Severance of link between producers and their customers;

6. Dislocation of informal social networks such as short-term credit, food security, etc;

7. Disappearance of legal organization and formal and informal association; and

8. Abandonment of symbolic markets such as ancestral shrines and graves.

The above mentioned 8 facts are also found true for the studied populations. The cumulative effect of all these is impoverishment through landlessness, joblessness, homelessness, marginalization, food insecurity, loss of common property resources, increased morbidity and destruction of social fabric and local economy. It also raises legal issues.

No measure was taken by the authorities to preserve tribal’s way of life and cultural identity. In the new settlement villages, they face several hardships of varied nature. It ranged from practical problems of the lack of fuel wood and water to interpersonal problems of conjugal adjustments and selection of life partner.

In addition to several cultural changes such as change in dress pattern, hair style, and use of certain items of cosmetics, there are certain important changes in the social structure.

Development induced displacement in studied area unleashes widespread social, economic, and environmental changes. Ignoring the entitlement of the displaced people; the spree of development in the scheduled area without any consideration for the situation of the native people living in that area, is in a way declaration of war against those people.

CONCLUSION:

The process of involuntary population displacements; rank among the most economic, demographic, and social pathologies; triggered by industrial and urban development. The language of “right of way”, of “footprints” for new industries, of “special economic zones (SEZs) or of “protected areas (PAs) and “exclusion zones” is now louder and more demanding than ever. All these demands result in physical and economic displacements (Cernea, 2009). The physical displacement tends to displacement of knowledge; skill and techniques neither to remained useful for their habitat. The intangible displacement due to involuntary development pushes the poor to the process of pauperisation.

To move beyond the many divides, people must combine constitutional measures, political lobbies and scientific investigations with concerted efforts to engage the STs and SCs in the making and sharing of knowledge. Struggles for justice, equality and freedom need to be grounded in a process of collaborative inquiry and the co-construction of knowledge that leads to collective social action.

There is nothing more traumatic than getting physically displaced from own home and hearth which one has been enjoying for ages. Shattering culture and kinship linkages with kins and relatives built over several generations is prelude on self alienation. But at the same time, it is also true that unless a poverty stricken State like Odisha with rich mineral reserves does not harness its resources and take up mineral based mega industries, it cannot match with other prosperous State and will continues to languish in poverty.

SUGGESTIONS:

The present research paper has identified the following key and critical R and R issues which are important to be addressed by the State Government and industry authorities as well as the District administration for a ‘win-win’ situation for the displaced as well as the industry.

· Compensation for the encroached land in scheduled area and a methodology for setting the issue

· The land losers not getting displaced are claiming for job in the company. Criteria to be developed with sound logic for employment to the affected persons.

· Employment guarantee for the second generation claimed by the displaced families as an unsolved issue and find appropriate substitute or alternative

· Restoration of Common Property Resources and their accessibility.

· Proper steps should be taken to protect their economy and cultural heritage in rehabilitation colonies.

REFERENCES:

1 Anthropological Survey of India. Module-Social Impact Assessment. Journal of Anthropological Survey of India. 2011; 60: 216-248.

2 Appadurai A. (Ed.). The social life of things-commodities in cultural perspective. Cambridge University Press, UK. 1986.

3 Asif M. Why Displaced Persons Reject Project Resettlement Colonies. Economic and Political Weekly. June 2000; Issue 10: 2005-2008.

4 Bandyopadhyay D. Rayagada Story Retold: Destitutes of Development. Economic and Political Weekly. January 2004; 39 (5): 408-411.

5 Becker H. Social Impact Assessment. UCL Press, Netherlands. 1997.

6 Borg JVD and Russo AP. The Impacts of Culture on the Economic Development of Cities. European Institute for Comparative Urban Research (EURICUR) Erasmus University, Rotterdam. 2005.

7 Cernea, MM. The Need for Economic Analysis of Resettlement: A Sociologist’s View. In M. M Cernea (Ed.), The Economics of Involuntary Resettlement: Questions and Challenges. The World Bank, Washington, DC. 1999.

8 Chae YG. Development Discourse. In Wolfgang Donsbach (ed.). The international encyclopaedia of communication. Wiley Blackwell. (www.blackwellreference.com). 2008.

9 Chambers Robert. Whose Reality Counts? Putting the Last First. IT Publications, London. 1997.

10 Charles HE. Environmental Impact Assessment: A Guide to Best professional practices. CRC Press, U.S.A. 2011.

11 Christopher JB. Social Impact Assessment: An Introduction. Hodder Arnold Publication, University of Wales, Swansea. 2000.

12 Colombo AG. (Ed.) Environmental Impact Assessment. Kluwer Academic publishers, London. 1991; Vol.1.

13 Colson E. The Social Consequences of Resettlement. Manchester University Press. 1971.

14 David PL. Environmental Impact Assessment: Practical Solutions to Recurrent Problems. Hoboken Publishers, New Jersey. 2003.

15 Deb D. Beyond Developmentality: Constructing Inclusive Freedom and Sustainability. Daanish Books, Delhi. 2009.

16 Dhagamwar V, De Subrata, and Verma N. Industrial Development and Displacement: The People of Korba. Sage Publications, New Delhi. 2003.

17 Eade D. (Ed.) Debating Development NGOs and the Future. Rawat Publications, Jaipur. 2001.

18 Edelman M. and Haugerud A. The Anthropology of Development and Globalization-From Classical Political Economy to Contemporary Neoliberalism. Blackwell Publishing, USA. 2005; pp. 337-339.

19 Ekins P. and Voituriez T. (Ed.) Trade, Globalization and Sustainability Impact Assessment: A critical look at methods and outcome. Earthscan Publishers, UK. 2009.

20 Erickson PA. A Practical Guide to Environmental Impact Assessment. Academic Press, USA. 1994.

21 Fernandes W. and Paranjpye V. (Eds.). Rehabilitation Policy and Law in India. Indian Social Institute, Delhi. 1997.

22 Fernandes W. Pawns in the Development. In S Parasuraman and P V Unnikrishnan (Eds.), India Disasters Report Human-Instigated Disasters. 2000; pp. 276-279.

23 Fernandes W. Rehabilitation Policy for the Displaced. Economic and Political Weekly. March 2004; 39 (12): 1191-1193.

24 Gardner K. and Lewis D. Anthropology, Development and the Post-Modern Challenge. Pluto press. 1996.

25 Government of India. National policy on resettlement and rehabilitation for project affected families-2003. Published in the Gazette of India, Extraordinary Part-I, Section 1, No- 46, dated 17th February, 2004.

26 John VW. Applied Anthropology: An introduction, Dams and Development: Relevant Practices for Improved Decision Making. UNEP Report. 2002.

27 Koenig D. Enhancing Local Development in Development-Induced Displacement and Resettlement Projects. In de wer Chris (Ed.), Development-Induced Displacement: Problems, Policies and People. Berghahn Books, New York, Oxford. 2006.

28 Leistritz FL. Social impact assessment and management: an annotated bibliography. Garland Publisher, Michigan. 1986.

29 Lynn GL. Goodman C. and Hare G. (Ed.) Social Impact Assessment: The judgmental impact matrix approach-A framework for evaluating the social and environmental impacts of transportation alternatives. Federal Highway Administration, Offices of Research and Development, USA. 1975; Vol.7.

30 Mahapatra LK. Resettlement, Impoverishment and Reconstruction in India: Development for the Deprived. Vikas Publishing House PVT Ltd, New Delhi. 1999.

31 Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Social impact assessment of Amendment #5 to the Northeast multispecies fishery management plan. Massachusetts Institute of Technology Publishers, Madeleine Hall-Arber. 1993.

32 Modi R. Sardar Sarovar Oustees: Coping with Displacement. Economic and Politi cal Weekly. March 2004; 39 (11): 1123-1126.

33 OECD. Guidance on Sustainability Impact Assessment. Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development, Paris. 2010.

34 Ota A. Displacement and Rehabilitation Issues in Tribal Areas: A Diagnostic Analysis. Inter India Publications, New Delhi. 2010.

35 Palit C. Short-changing the Displaced: National Rehabilitation Policy. Economic and Political Weekly. July 2004; Issue-3.

36 Peluso NL. Whose woods Are These? Counter-Mapping Forest Terrritories in Kalimantan, Indonesia. In M. Edelman and A. Haugerud (Eds.). The Anthropology of Development and Globalization-From Classical Political Economy to Contemporary Neoliberalism. Blackwell Publishing, USA. 2005, pp.273-281.

37 Peter M. and Riki T. (Ed.) Methods of Environmental Impact Assessment. Taylor and Francis Group Publishers, USA. 2009; 3rd edition.

38 Pierre J. and Sardan O. Anthropology and Development: Understanding Contemporary Social Change. ZED Books, London and New York. 2005.

39 Porter AL. A Guidebook for technology assessment and impact analysis. Systems Sciences and Engineering Series, Hookklland. 1980; Vol. 4.

40 Richard KM. Environmental Impact Assessment: A Methodological Approach. Kluwer Academic Publishers Search Books, USA. 1998.

41 Robinson WC. Risks and Rights: The Causes, Consequences, and Challenges of Development-Induced Displacement. The Brookings Institution-SAIS Project on Internal Displacement, Washington DC. May 2003.

42 Roche C. Impact Assessment for Development Agencies: Learning to Value Change. Oxfam Publisher, Oxford. 2000.

43 Roe EM. Development Narratives, or Making the Best of Blueprint Development. 2005; pp. 313-322.

44 Ronald HA. and Barry S. Environmental Impact Assessment and Strategic Environmental Assessment: Towards an Integrated Approach. UNEP Report. 2004.

45 Scudder and Colson E. From Welfare to Development: A Conceptual Framework for the Analysis of Dislocated People. In Hansen Art, and Anthony Oliver-Smith (Eds.), Involuntary Migration and resettlement. Boulder: Westview. 1882.

46 UN ESCAP. Multistage Environmental and Social Impact Assessment of road projects, Guidelines for comprehensive process. United Nations Publication: Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific. 2002.

47 William CG. and David WL. (Ed.) Trends in Outdoor Recreation Leisure, and Tourism. CABI Publishers, UK. 2000.

Received on 09.02.2018 Modified on 19.02.2018

Res. J. Humanities and Social Sciences. 2018; 9(2): 444-453.

DOI: 10.5958/2321-5828.2018.00076.1