Moreover, the letters dispatched by Bernier to many of his countrymen with regard to the economic conditions and religious beliefs of the Hindus (whom he referred as Gentils) and social customs followed by the people particularly of the northern part of the empire offer a deep insight of the socio-cultural as well as the religious practices of the people. The vivid picture of the capital cities of Delhi and Agra is so neatly illustrated by the author that it enables the reader to picturize the visual image of the lively description.

Bernier’s observations on Seventeenth Century Mughal Polity

The concluding part of Shah Jahan’s reign witnessed an enduring political discord that polarized around two proficient and influential sons of the emperor namely, Dara Shikoh and Aurangzeb. Also the acts of the two other sons of the emperor, Shah Shuja and Murad Baksh, too deserve mention in the crucial ongoing war of succession. It was in the backdrop of such political anarchy that Bernier stepped on the soil of Mughal Empire. Being a bystander of the fratricidal war, subsequently Bernier has explained the battle for the throne among the four sons of Shah Jahan, tracing the characteristic traits of each of his sons.

A brief overview of the character sketches of the four sons of Shah Jahan as drawn by Bernier would facilitate us a strong platform to understand the war of succession better. Dara, in the opinion of Bernier was considerate, polite, liberal, and swift at wordplay, and held himself very highly. But at the same time he was also quite irritable, apposite as pain in the neck and menace, obnoxious, however his anger is said to be infrequent as well as brief. Dara was popularly believed by many to have abandoned the faith and became Kafer that at the later stage served as a reason for his death as assigned by Aurangzeb.^[4] Moving on to Shah Shuja, the second son of Shah Jahan Bernier observed, “...he was more discreet, firmer of purpose, and excelled him (Dara) in conduct and address. He was sufficiently dexterous in management of an intrigue; and by means of repeated largesse, bestowed secretly, knew how to acquire the friendship of the great Omrahs...He was nevertheless, too much a slave to his pleasures...Shah Shuja declared himself of the religion of the Persians”^[5], although his father and brothers professed that of the Turks. Bernier is also explaining the purpose of Shuja’s acceptance of Shiism that the latter assumed that since almost all the influential posts in the court are obtained by the Irani (Persians) fraction of nobility, so it was important to gain their support and secure interest to fulfil his own motives.

Aurangzeb is believed to have sounder judgement, reticent, subtle, and had presented himself in the garb of dissimulation hiding his true feelings or intentions[6]. Bernier marked him out as a skilful person in picking up confidants and Shah Jahan’s high held opinion with regard to Aurangzeb swept in Dara’s envy on him. Talking about Murad Baksh the youngest son of the emperor, Bernier viewed his inferiority to his other brothers in judgement and address. However he is considered to be generous and polite, trusted only the strength of his arm and his sword, and he was filled with courage and valour.

Bernier seems to offer extensive information on the war of succession where he illustrated how the news of Shah Jahan’s illness spread in A.D. 1657, and the rumour of Shah Jahan’s death prompted the four sons set their eyes on the throne. Dara collected a huge number of armies in and around the vicinity of the capital. Both Shuja and Aurangzeb marched towards the capital with necessary war preparations. Even after receiving the news of misinformation of their father’s death both of them remained determined to attack the imperial capital and materialize their dreams of ruling the mighty empire. In the meantime Aurangzeb owing to his limited amount of military force seeks help from his youngest brother by making him feign proffer to become the next ruler. He even persuades Mir Jumla[7] to be on his side and offer aid for the war.

Bernier described how Shuja was made to retreat by an army led by Sulaiman Shikoh (son of Dara Shikoh) and Raja Jai Singh. Accounts of confrontation of Dara and Aurangzeb in the battle of Samuhgarh are well portrayed by the author. A vivid description of military organization, war tactics, armies on both the sides, the cavalry etc have been detailed out. Meanwhile Aurangzeb also deals with his two other brothers and after inflicting a defeat on Dara[8] crowned himself the emperor. Detailed description of the battles of Bahadurgarh (1658 A.D.), Dharmat (1658 A.D.) as well as Samuhgarh (1658 A,D,) is well knitted by the author in his work.

While elaborating upon the war of succession the author has highlighted the hunger for power among the royal personalities who were busy to attain their sole intention of gaining the ultimate authority disregarding even their kinship and blood ties. Here Bernier seems to be in conformity with Alauddin Khalji’s opinion that ‘Kingship knows no Kinship’.

After the victory in the succession war Aurangzeb is presented as treacherously imprisoning his brother Murad Baksh and publicly humiliating Dara Shikoh. Then the former took every possible security measures and poisoned, prisoned or home arrested every possible person he doubted. Such act of mercilessness and cruelty led Bernier conclude the Mughal rulers and in general, the eastern authorities as ‘despots’. To quote Bernier, “Actuated by a blind and wicked ambition to be more absolute than is warranted by the laws of God and of nature, the kings of Asia grasp at everything, until at length they lose everything; or; if they do not always find themselves without pecuniary resources, they are invariably disappointed in the expectation of acquiring the riches which they covet.” Secondly, Bernier saw Mughal Empire different from European states in two major aspects: 1) the king here was the owner of the soil. In other words, the exactor of the rent; and 2) those who actually collected the tax-rent held only temporary tenures, as holders of jagirs or timars, unlike the hereditary European lords, and offers a contrast between the Oriental Despotic state and the Occidental laissez faire state.[9] This tradition continued till W. H. Moreland who in his book Agrarian System of Moslem India mentioned that, ‘The fact that in the Mogul period the state disposed of from a third to a half of the gross produce of the land constituted it by far the most potent factor in the distribution of the national income… (and) that next only to the weather, the administration was the dominant factor in the economic life of the country.’ This naturally assigned to the pre-colonial state as an economic role, which distinguished it crucially from its European counterpart. If one emphasizes the selfish nature of the king and the ruling class of the pre-colonial times, exhibited in lack of reasonable restraint in taxation one would call it ‘despotic.’ Marx took over the concept of the Asiatic rent-exacting state (Oriental Despotism), but modified it heavily by ascribing to it a concern for ‘public works’, chiefly irrigation, and by integrating with it the institution of Village Communities.

The same notion of despotism seems to impress Montesquieu too, and in his work ‘The Spirit of the Laws’ he seems to have expressed political exoticism from varied travelogues (one of which was Bernier’s Travels in the Mogul Empire) and categorized various kinds of governance, geographically, assigning ‘republicanism’ as well as ‘monarchy’ to west and ‘despotism’ as an inherent characteristic of the eastern empires, by extracting information from the travelogues of the description on legal system, habits and customs, climate, and so on.

Moreover, the observation of Bernier that Shah Jahan used to keep Dara close to the imperial court because he was the eldest son and expected to succeed to the crown seems to be a weak argument. When viewed, analysed and scrutinized through other sources^[10] it is found that not only because of his age, but Dara was in general liked by Shah Jahan and thus was always allowed to stay around the emperor, as for instance when Shah Jahan undertook his journey to Kashmir Dara too accompanied him.^[11] Moreover the liberal outlook held by Dara enabled him to earn support from various nobles and his father, the emperor Shah Jahan.

Bernier also reported on the reception of many foreign diplomats and embassies in Aurangzeb’s court sent by the Dutch, Uzbek, Persia and so on and their grand reception and treatment in the empire thereby throwing some light upon the Mughal foreign relations. The Dutch or the Hollanders sent Monsieur Adrican[12] to Aurangzeb’s court with large amount of gifts consisting of fine cloths, looking glasses, articles of Chinese and Japanese workmanship like a Takht i Rawan or travelling throne of magnificent beauty. This incidence points towards the fact that the European influence was exerting its presence in the domain of Indian trade and commerce. There are similar examples of reception of ambassadors from Ethiopia, Persian and so on tracing the establishment of diplomatic but at the same time cordial relationship of Mughal Empire with the outside world.

Here Bernier emphasized towards a incredibly imperative tradition of the Mughal India where gifts and exchange of commodities etc played quite a vital role. This can be corroborated with the fact that numerous rulers as stated above sent their envoys to the Mughal court to acknowledge the Mughal supremacy over the region. Here one can also refer to the instance of the Ladakhi envoy sent by its king during the reign of Shah Jahan, accompanied by various presents and the production of the country like the crystal, musk, peice of jade, and the tails of the Ladakhi yaks (which were referred as the Great Tibet cows and had a dignified value in the Mughal court) and so on.[13]

Moreover the ambassadors were generally believed to be the sincere emissary under the garb to feign for their ruler and country. The information on the commerce, polity, economy, customs etc of any region were very finely gathered by them and were transferred to their kings. This points towards the fact that by the prudent and dexterous use of gifts and presents were practiced in order to gain commercial benefits.[14]

Mughal Economy as perceived by Bernier

With regard to the Mughal Empire Bernier also conceptualized on the ownership of land and the concept of private property. He recognizes that the king is the owner of property and none else, be he is noble, zamindar or peasant owns any land. He also draws a comparative analysis with the system of ownership of property with his own country France and opines that unlike Mughal Empire, there the king is not the sole proprietor of land. In this regard, opinions of scholars based on contemporary evidences and comparative analysis helps us to better understand the different aspects of ownership like who was the proprietor of the agrarian land, the state or the zamindars and the assignees or the ryots. Bernier’s opinion that in India king alone was the sole proprietor of land rests on studies based on earlier European accounts and his analysis of Indian context through European experience. The Mughals, on the other hand, were the followers of ‘Hanafia School of Thought’, and according to this school, ‘once the settlement is made with the conquered people, the ruler could not revoke their ownership of land, even if they are non-Muslims.’ This became the guiding rule of Islamic jurisprudence in India, clearly underlining the individual ownership of land. Also when we go through Aurangzeb’s ‘farmans’ to Rasik Das and Mohammad Hashim, his two famous ‘karoris’, they clearly show Aurangzeb’s standpoint about ownership of land, vesting it with the ryots…. ‘If one is not carrying out cultivation of land even after being punished for this, then his rights should be temporarily withdrawn and transferred to some other.’[15]

Irfan Habib explains that rulers were concerned only with the production and the cultivation rather than land and states that there is no evidence to prove that there existed communal ownership of land; also there is lack of any information about periodic distribution or re-distribution of land among the peasants.^[16] One was the permanent owner of his land or simply individual occupancy rights existed. In the context of 17^thcentury Deccan villages, A. R. Kulkarni his ‘The Indian Village’^[17] brings out that, evidences show that ownership of entire village was neither vested in the king nor the community, but individual persons. According to B. R. Grover state (Mughals) never claimed absolute and exclusive ownership of the agrarian land and definitely recognized the private property in it. The ownership of land was vested in riaya, which had rights of transfer, mortgage and sale. He further says that, Europeans misunderstood the system of jagir transfers, which led them to conclude that king was the owner of the land.^[18] Also in its chapter on Rowai Rozi (means of subsistence), Ain clearly mentions the land revenue as tax on the property of the subjects. It states, “In every kingdom, government taxes the property of the subject over and above the land revenue and this they called Tamgah… In short, what is imposed on cultivated lands by way of quit-rent is termed Mal… Extra collections over and above the land tax, if taken by revenue officials, are Wujuhat; otherwise they are termed Furuaat.” As evident from Aurangzeb’s Farmans to his karoris, king never rejected the occupancy rights of the peasants so long as they continued cultivation of land. King used to buy particular plots of land for his personal use. For instance, the land for constructing Taj Mahal was bought from the Kacchwaha family of Amber by Shahjahan.

Also Bernier’s belief of the king as sole proprietor of land makes him relate the act of conferring titles or giving similar upon important royal members and nobles with sovereignty. This can be substantiated with an instance when the Bernier views and I quote, “The reason why such names are given to the great (like Nour Mehalle, the light of Seraglio or Nour Jehan Begum, the Light of the World), instead of titles derived from domains and seigniories...as the land throughout the whole empire is considered the property of the sovereign...The royal grants consist only of pensions, either in land or money, which the king gives, augments, retrenches or takes away at pleasure.”[19]

In his letter to Colbert, Bernier has put forth vast information about the Mughal administrative system, its judiciary, the exploitative nature of the state and so on. The sorry state of justice is expressed by Bernier in the following words, “In Asia, if justice be ever administered, it is among the lower classes, among persons who, being equally poor, have no means of corrupting the judges and of buying false witnesses...”[20].

Bernier is also accounting about the much oppressive and exploitative nature of the Mughal state where peasantry remained constantly browbeaten by the governors of the state, the zamindars, upon whom the state bestowed the revenue collection authority and the rigorous tax collection process, the tyranny and the greed of these officials of the government with absolute power thus vested, resulted in the abandonment of land by the peasants as well as artisans and their fleeing to other destinations. This view is also supported by Irfan Habib in his ‘Agrarian System of Mughal India’ where he asserted that the peculiar feature of the state in Mughal India was that it served not merely as the protective arm of the exploiting class but was itself the principal instrument of exploitation. Aurangzeb’s farmans to Rasikdas (1666 A.D.) and to Muhammad Hashim (1668-9 A.D.) reflect oppressive taxation and therefore flight of peasants, which at times led to revolts like Jat uprising in 1669 A.D. and Satnami revolt in 1672 A.D.. This also formed what Irfan Habib conceptualized as Agrarian Crisis.

Moreover Bernier also speaks about the prosperous Mughal province of Bengal which is known for its economic richness, fertility of the soil, production of varied number of crops and cash crops and the highest revenue generating province of the empire. Bernier very keenly notes that Bengal produces rice, sugar, sweetmeats, cotton, silk and so on and its exports of these items within as well as outside the frontiers of the Mughal state. As for instance rice is exported to Ceylon and Maldives, sugar to Golconda, Karnatic, Arabia, Mesopotamia and Persia.[21] Saltpetre was another important item, imported from Chaprah, in Patna to Bengal. The Dutch and English merchants sent freights to various parts of India and also to Europe. Such characteristic of Bengal invited many people, traders and merchants to seek refuse in the fertile kingdom. Also such extensive acts of export and import enabled the Mughals to get hold of huge bullion that flowed in from different corners of the world to the empire. Bengal as observed by Bernier was thus the cache of merchandise for the Mughal India and other countries.

Bernier’s account here reflects upon the commercial aspect of the Mughal Empire thus proffering a huge amount of information for the European explorers in order to achieve economic prosperity in India. S. Kundra in his work[22] opines that the information provided by Bernier on the Indian geography, revenue, import and export and so on were adopted by the French rival European companies and they extracted benefits and advantages from Indian trade and lot more. Kundra alleged Bernier to be the commercial informer of the French state, who delved into the Indian economic composition and recommended indispensable course for instituting French trade with India.

Description of the imperial cities of Delhi and Agra

While providing a lively description about the cities of the Mughal Empire a wide range of information is offered with regard to pattern of houses, bazaars, streets, royal palace etc. Bernier gives a well accounted town planning of the cities locates the city of Delhi on the banks of river Yamuna, where every side of the city is surrounded with walls except for the one which is surrounded by the river. The citadel is said to have contained Mahal or Palace or Seraglio and various other royal establishments, which were constantly guarded by imperial forces. He also describes about the garden, the royal square consisting of tents of Rajas who were employed in the duty of weekly guarding of the imperial fort, royal stables, streets, bazaars, the dwelling places of mansabdars, important nobles, justices, influential merchants and other significant people across the streets. Intermixed with these houses were the houses of common troopers, small officials and so on. Information regarding the Am-Kas or the audience chamber and Nakarahkhanah or a chamber where large drums were kept to be played ‘in concert at certain hours of day and night’ are also detailed out. Then he goes on to talk about the hall inside the great gate which is separated from the Seraglio by a wall and about the large window from which the emperor materialized the practice of Jharokha Darshan.

The boundaries of the royal bazaars and the imperial quarters, according to Bernier’s Travels, were delineated by particularly long pillar wedged in the ground at a gap of proper distance, “three hundred paces from each other, bearing red standards and surmounted with the tails of the Great Tibet cows which have the appearance of periwigs”.[23]

Moving forward one finds how the courtly etiquettes and manners were strictly followed by the nobles and the officials. Bernier notes, “Immediately under the throne is an enclosure, surrounded by silver rails, in which are assembled the whole body of Omrahs, the Rajas, and the ambassadors all standing their eyes bent downwards and their hands crossed...During the hours and half or two, that the ceremony continues a certain number of royal horses pass before the throne, that the king may see whether they are well used and in a proper condition...The elephants come next...”About Agra Bernier mentions how it was the favourite and more frequent abode of the Mughal rulers. He also views it’s extend much large than that of Delhi and a whole host of residences of Omrahs and Rajas can be traced built of good stones and bricks.

Not only the sumptuousness of the cities and palaces but Bernier also very ably mentioned about the grandness and opulence of the Mughal kings. He explained that, “King appeared seated upon his throne, at the end of the great hall, in the most magnificent attire, his vest was of white and delicately followed satin, with silk and gold embroidery, of the finest texture”.^[24] Moreover, he glorifies the Mughal throne in the following words, “the throne was supported by six massy feet, said to be of solid gold, sprinkled over with rubies, emeralds and diamonds and the throne values at four kourours of roupies”.^[25]

Bernier’s Travels also reveals some very beguile specifics regarding the Mughals as for instance he mentions about the Ladakhi yaks or the Great Tibet cows which were held as majestic by the Mughals and thus the royal elephants were aggrandized with the yak tails dangled from their ears as if the huge and large whiskers.[26]

The above mentioned aspects of the Mughal kings, their nobles, city of Delhi and Agra, palaces and so on underline the fact that the imperial cities, and various Mughal insignia especially capital cities, worked as a strong hold of political and economic centrality, decision making, highlighting the emblem of universal identity, power and authority and also positing the important imperial cities and capital at the helm of the settlement hierarchy. In the backdrop of such characteristics the supreme authority derives his legitimization and hegemonic authority to rule over the subjects. Moreover the much display of pomp and show[27] during the times of festivals, the extravagant lifestyle, the architectural establishments etc also make it possible on the part of the rulers to draw a sense of respect as well as fear for them.

Bernier’s reflection upon the Indian or the Mughal Society

Here he talks about the gentiles of the country, their religious beliefs, customs and manners, gods and goddesses, their idea of transmigration of soul, importance assigned to the astrologers, superstitious beliefs held by the people, and every possible thing one can think of. One of the most striking features that Bernier observes in the section dealing with social norms and values was about the practice of widow burning or Sati system that was prevalent in India. Sati the burning of ‘Hindu widow’ on her husband’s funeral pyre has always been a sensational issue and a highly controversial act. Always exceptional and effecting only a tiny minority of Hindu widows, it has remained close to the surface of social and political life and has played a disproportionately prominent role within Indian history and culture.

Bernier’s reflection upon the Indian or the Mughal Society

Here he talks about the gentiles of the country, their religious beliefs, customs and manners, gods and goddesses, their idea of transmigration of soul, importance assigned to the astrologers, superstitious beliefs held by the people, and every possible thing one can think of. One of the most striking features that Bernier observes in the section dealing with social norms and values was about the practice of widow burning or Sati system that was prevalent in India. Sati the burning of ‘Hindu widow’ on her husband’s funeral pyre has always been a sensational issue and a highly controversial act. Always exceptional and effecting only a tiny minority of Hindu widows, it has remained close to the surface of social and political life and has played a disproportionately prominent role within Indian history and culture.

Bernier observed that many women immolate themselves because of the social obligation as well as coercion imposed upon them by the family members or largely by the Brahmans. Secondly he also witnessed many immolate themselves out of their affection for their husbands. He even tells us that not only wives burned themselves but the slaves too immolated themselves with their masters. Bernier once witnessed the horrors of multiple immolation during his journey from Ahmadabad to Agra, where he saw along with husband’s funeral pyre the wife burned herself. But on the spot were present five or six other women who were holding each other’s hand and singing and dancing suddenly followed the first lady and all of them threw themselves turn wise into the flames and thus immolated. Upon enquiry Bernier discovered that those five women were the slaves and ‘having witnessed the deep affection of their mistress in consequence of the illness of her husband, whom she promised not to survive, they were so moved with the compassion that they entered into an engagement to perish by the flames that consumed their beloved mistress.’

Moreover, Michael H. Fisher, in his Beyond the Three Seas, observed that Bernier was puzzled over India’s intricate caste system which alienated people by birth and hereditary occupation. Bernier illustrated the prevalence of caste system in India by stating as follows, “the embroiderer brings up his son as an embroiderer, the son of a goldsmith becomes a goldsmith and a physician of the city educates his son for a physician. No one marries but in his own trade or profession; and this custom is observed almost as rigidly by Mahametans as by the Gentiles, to whom it is expressly enjoined by their law.”[28] Such observation on the caste based division in the Indian society, according to S. Kundra would have undoubtedly assisted the French merchants and the factory owners in engaging the artisans at a minimal amount of salary.

Bernier’s journey to Kashmir: its beauty and an overview on the elaborate process of encampment during the imperial journey

Bernier has offered extensive and elaborate information on Kashmir which he gathered when he accompanied Mughal emperor Aurangzeb in his journey to Kashmir.[29] Here he mentioned about the elaborate process of encampment when almost a replica of capital is being built for the stay of the emperor facilitating every necessity of life. These camps consists of many tents large and small, demarcating different chambers for the emperor, nobles, royal ladies, and even places for camping the animals are also looked after.

The above cited instances reflect the most dramatic example of the Mughal mobile capital was the imperial camp. From Abul Fazl’s Ain i Akbari we come to know about the existence of two chief kinds of camp in the Mughal empire, firstly, the small ones used on brief journeys or for hunting parties, and secondly, the large camps erected for royal tours and military expeditions.

The work of M. A. Ansari, The Encampment of the Great Mughals substantiates upon the convoluted encampment strategies of the Mughals during their journeys. It is usually believed that the emperor and his nobles and ministers carried out their stately affairs from these camps only in order to keep an eye on the proper governance of the vast empire on their absence from the imperial capital. This depicts the fact that the camps were neither short-lived nor occasional phenomena. Therefore the imperial camp acted as the de facto capital, and a significant portion of the population of the capital cities happens to have accompanied the king in his tours and journeys.

The description of Kashmir opens up in the work with its formation, geographical location, produces of the province and so on. Bernier extends a great deal of comparison between Kashmir and his own country or rather with Europe. But author seems to be spellbound and bewildered by the beauty of the place and it is well evident from the statement made by Bernier when he mentions, “In truth the kingdom surpasses in beauty all that my warm imagination had anticipated”. Quite similar in content, but a few centuries earlier, Mughal chronicler Abul Fazl showered similar praise upon Kashmir.^[30] Among various other things the author talks highly about the physical beauty of the inhabitants of Kashmir, that they are recognizable and well-known for their ‘clear complexions and fine forms’ and draws a comparative analysis with the physical appearance with that of the Europeans. With respect to female folk of Kashmir Bernier remarked, “The women specially are very handsome; and it is from this country that nearly every individual, when first admitted to the court of Great Mogul, selects wives or concubines, that his children may be whiter than the Indians and pass for genuine Moguls.” Marco Polo also speaks highly about the physical beauty of Kashmiri women. He writes, “The men are brown and lean, but the women, taking them as brunettes, are very beautiful.”^[31] Bernier also proffered useful information regarding the Shawl trade and other handicrafts production for which Kashmir was famous for. He observes, “The Kachemirys are celebrated for wit, and considered much more intelligent and ingenious than the Indians. In poetry and the sciences, they are not inferior to the Persians. They are also very active and industrious. The workmanship and beauty of their palekys, bedsteads, trunks, ink stands, boxes, spoons, and various other things are quite remarkable, and articles of their manufacture are in use in every part of the Indies. They perfectly understand the art of varnishing, and are eminently skillful in closely imitating the beautiful veins of a certain wood, by inlaying with gold threads so delicately wrought that I never saw anything more elegant or perfect. But what may be considered peculiar to Kachemire, and the staple commodity, that which particularly promotes the trade of the country and fills it with wealth, is the prodigious quantity of shawls which they manufacture, and which gives occupation even to the little children.”^[32]

However, the valley was famous not only for its shawls,^[33] but also for arts and crafts particularly during the reign of illustrious Zain-ul-Abidin (1420-70 A.D.), whom tradition attributes with the introduction of Shawl-manufacture for the first time into Kashmir.^[34] Described in contemporary chronicles of Kashmir as ‘Budshah’ (Great King), he is known for his welfare measures, religious toleration, open handedness, literary activities.^[35] Himself a poet, writing under the pen name ‘Qutb’, Zain-ul-Abidin compiled a diwan, few verses of which are preserved in Persian chronicles.^[36] It was during his reign that Mahabharata, Kalhana’s Rajatarangini,^[37] Vrihatkathasara, Hatakeshvara Samhita and the Puranas were translated into Persian for use and accessibility of common people.^[38] Srivara, the author of Jaina-Rajatarangini, following the order of Sultan translated Mullah Jami’s Yusuf U’ Zalaikha, a romantic masterpiece in Persian, into Sanskrit and named it Kathakautaka.^[39] Mirza Haider Dughlat who ruled Kashmir from 1540-50 A.D. credited him with the introduction of a number of commercial arts and crafts. It is these arts and crafts which Bernier details with interest.“In Kashmir,” observes Mirza Haider, “one meets with all those arts and crafts which are, in most cities, uncommon, such as stone polishing, stone cutting, bottle making, window cutting (tabdan tarashi), gold beating, etc. in the whole of Transoxiana (Mavara-un-Nahr), except in Samarqand and Bukhara, these are nowhere to be met with, while in Kashmir they are even abundant. This is all due to the efforts and interest exhibited by Sultan Zain-ul-Abidin.”^[40] He also built and populated many cities so much so that a Mughal historian wrote that, "no other ruler of Kashmir had the success which he had in settling and increasing the population.^[41] It marked the urbanisation of Kashmiri society at an accelerated pace and "Kashmir became a city", to use the expression of Mirza Haider Daughlat.^[42]Among the enlightened Muslim rulers of medieval India like Ala-ud-din Husain Shah of Bengal (1493-1519A.D.), Akbar (1556-1605A.D.), Ibrahim Adil Shah II of Bijapur (1580-1627A.D.), Zain-ul-Abidin (1420-70 A.D.) resembles them in versatility and humanism. His chronicler like that of Akbar, without exaggerating his achievements writes that he performed "what was beyond the power of the past sovereigns and what will be beyond the ability of the future kings.”^[43] Bernier’s account of the social and economic life of Kashmir opens up new vistas of research, corroborates the contemporary Persian chronicles, and fills the gap where it exists with interpretations and analysis, interesting and to a great extent impartial.

Other Occurrences

Besides all the above mentioned details on varied aspects of the seventeenth century Mughal Empire, Bernier also enlists numerous other features of the Mughal polity, administration and so on. As for instance, evidences of occurrences of political matrimonial alliances can be traced from the citation that Aurangzeb had two Hindu wives whose sons were Sultan Muhammad and Sultan Muazzam. It is reflected here that though the rulers were Muslims but they never hesitated to marry a Hindu women whenever necessary. Also Aurangzeb’s proposal of marriage of Dara’s daughter and his son Muhammad Akbar shows an effort on the part of Aurangzeb to diminish tensions and rule upon easily. Furthermore, Bernier also refers towards the composition of nobility of the Mughals that consisted of Irani, Turani and others like Shaikhzadas (Indian Muslims) and Rajputs. The latter seems to have been incorporated by the Mughals to keep a counter check upon the powers of the formers fraction of nobility and also because without the help of the latter it would lead to great difficulty for the Mughals to rule a country which is altogether different from theirs in terms of religion, culture etc.

On the other hand throughout the portion dealing in the issue of war of succession the readers can find frequent break in the narrative portraying the indirect presence of the royal ladies in the politics, also reflects upon the fact that the ladies of the royal harem too assumed quite power. The daughters of Shah Jahan, Begum Saheb or Jahanara Begum and Ruashanara Begum supported Dara and Aurangzeb respectively and took active participation in the war of succession by helping their brothers.

CONCLUSION:

Therefore it is well evident that the information offered by Bernier is a quite an imperative source to understand the seventeenth century Mughal history. Above and beyond the socio-political as well as economic, philosophical and topographical information, Bernier is able to impart huge data on the way of daily life of the common masses, their cultural ordinances and traditional beliefs, presenting himself as an initial source to the disciplinary evolution of ethnography and anthropology. Bernier’s testimony persists to embrace value and worth as it proposes the readers an opportunity to understand not merely an epoch of cataclysm in one of South Asia’s most prodigious Empires, but also a effective instance of pre modern European mind-set to the Oriental ‘other’ continually attempting to obtain its riches, but unenthusiastic to forfeit its intrinsic and fundamental value.

REFERENCE:

1. The name of the few Europeans who visited the Mughal empire are (Akbar’s reign) Anthony Monserrate, a Portuguese priest (1578-82), Ralph Fisch, the first English traveller (1585-91), (Jahangir’s reign) Captain Hawkin, English traveller (1608-13), Sir Thomas Roe, English Ambassador (1615-19), Fransisco Paelsart (1620-27), author of The Remonstrantie,Pietra Della Velle (1622-60), (Shah Jahan’s reign) John Fryer (1627-81), Peter Mundy (1630-34), Tavernier (1641-87), Niccollao Manucci, author of Storia Do Mogor and so on.

2. Mullah Shafai Yazdi alias Danishmand Khan was the only Mughal noble who took some interest in modern astronomy, geography and anatomy and employed Bernier (1659-66) who translated for him the works of Pierre Gassendi (1592-1655), Rene Descartes (1560-1650), William Harvey (1578-1657) and Jean Pecquet (1622-74). Illustrating the intellectual courage and curiosity of Danishmand Khan, Bernier wrote; Agah Danishmand Khan expects my arrival with much impatience. He can no more dispense with his philosophical studies in the afternoon than avoid devoting the morning to his weighty duties as Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs and Grand Master of the Horse. Astronomy, Geography and Anatomy are his favorite pursuits, and he reads with avidity the works of Gassendi and Descartes. Bernier SeeHistory of Science, Philosophy and Culture in Indian Civilization (ed.) Gupta, Jyoti Bhusan Das, Volume XV, Part I, Delhi, Pearson Longman, 2007, p. 94. Tavakoli, Mohammad Targhi, Refashioning Iran: Orientalism, Occidentalism and Nationalist Historiography, Palgrave, New York, pp. 10-11. Ruqaiyya Kazim Husain, “Danishmand Khan- A scholarly Noble at the Mughal Court”, Proceedings of Indian History Congress, 58th Session, 1997.IqbalGhani Khan, ‘The Awadh Scientific Renaissance and the Role of the French: C.1750-1820’, Indian Journal of History of Science, 38.3 (2003) pp. 273-301

3. Bernier, Travels in the Mogul Empire, AD. 1656-1668, English tr. Archibald Constable

4. According to Maathir-i-Alamgiri, the official history of Aurangzeb, the charge against him was that “The pillars of the canonical law and faith apprehended many kinds of disturbances from his life. So the emperor,both out of necessity to protect the holy law, and for the reasons of state, considered it unlawful to allow this fakir (Dara) to remain alive any longer as a destroyer of the public peace”. A different version of Dara’s execution emerges from Storia Do Mogor of Manucci where Aurangzeb in conversation with one of his favourite huntsman confesses although indirectly to his unjust act. Manucci writes, “During the time that Aurangzeb was in Kashmir his usual diversion was going out to hunt, of which he was always very fond. It happened once that, tired out, he sat down in the shade of a tree, having with him only one huntsman, a great favorite, who had formerly served Dara in the same capacity. They held together conversation on various subjects, and encouraged thereby, the huntsman asked Aurangzeb why he ordered Dara's head to be cut off. Such a question put the royal person into some fear, and so he answered that it was his (Dara's) ill luck.” Storia, tr. Eng. by William Irvine, Vol. II, p. 108. In the contest for the crown, Bernier and Manucci were on the opposite sides, the former with Aurangzeb and he latter with Dara.

5. Here by referring “the religion of Persians” author means he was the follower of Shia sect, who trace their pontifical authority to Ali, unlike the Sunnis who are the followers of Prophet Muhammad, and the Turks were the followers of Sunni sect.

6. Aurangzeb’s dissimulative nature can be substantiated from the fact that when he was elected as the viceroy of Deccan, he made it evident that his purpose of existence would better be pacified if he be given the chance to lead his life as Fakir.But what he actually desired was to assume the highest authority of the state. Bernier, Travels in Mogul India, pp. 10-27

7. Mir Jumla, previously appointed as the minister of the king of Golconda, switched off sides with Aurangzeb and joined hands with the latter to destroy the former after he had suspected something fishy from his alliance with the king of Golconda. Mir Jumla also hand over a blueprint to Aurangzeb suggesting how to attack and capture the place. He was very wealthy man possessing vast wealth, had huge commercial networks and had his own diamond mines.

8. Everything in the battlefield was in Dara’s favour and he was on the verge to taste the sweetness of his victory when Khalilullah Khan insisted Dara to descend from his elephant and mount to his horse. Without devoting much thought Dara dose so but only to create an air of panic among his armies who believe that their commander wad dead and got much frightened and got disorganized, resulting in Dara’s downfall.

9. M. Athar Ali, ‘The Mughal Polity- A critique of Revisionist Approaches’, Modern Asian Studies, 27, 4 (1993), pp. 699-710

10. The Persian sources like Shahjahahnamah etc describes that Dara was much favoured by Shah Jahan, which consequently resulted in the arousal of animosity among his other brothers specially Aurangzeb. Manucci writes, “All those who were present before the king were standing; only one man was seated at the side of the throne, but his seat was lower, and this was the prince Dara, theking's son.”Storia, Op. Cit.Vol. I, p. 88. This statement helps one to reason Shahjahan’s liking for Dara both as a prince and a successor.

11. The famous PariMahal garden (Fairies abode) in Srinagar was Dara’s contribution to beautify Srinagar. SeeKak, Ram Chandra. Ancient Monuments of Kashmir. New Delhi: Sagar Publications, 1971, pp. 96, 97 ;Sharma, Suresh K., and S. R. Bakshi. Encyclopaedia of Kashmir. New Delhi: Anmol Publications Pvt Ltd, 1995

12. Monsieur Adrican was the chief of Dutch factory at Surat from 1662-5, who succeeded in earning concession from Aurangzeb that bestowed upon the Dutch varied privileges in Bengal and Orissa.

13. Bray, John (ed.) Ladakhi Histories: Local and Regional Perspectives, Dharamshala 2011, pp. 158-60

14. Bernier, Travels, p. 117.

15. The mention of Aurangzeb’s letters or farmans can be traced in Adab I Alamgiri

16. Irfan Habib, The Agrarian System of Mughal India 1556-1707

17. A. R. Kulkarni, The Indian Village, ICH, 1992, Presidential Address

18. B. R. Grover, The Nature of land rights in Mughal India IESHR journal, Vol I, Part I, 1963

19. Bernier, Travels, p. 5

20. Here Bernier is also giving testimony about his accuracy in offering information by tracing his authenticity and I quote, “I am speaking the language of several years of experience, my information was obtained from various quarters, and is the result of many careful inquiries among the natives, European merchants long settled in the country, ambassadors, consuls and interpreters.”

21. Bernier, Travels, p. 438.

22. Kundra, S., An Assessment of Francois Bernier’s Travel Account: A French Commercial Informer or A Critic of the French State Jhss, Vol I, No. 1, January to June 2010.

23. Bernier, Travels, p. 365

24. Ibid, p. 268.

25. Ibid, p. 268.

26. Bray, John (ed.) Ladakhi Histories: Local and Regional Perspectives, Dharamshala, 2011

27. The display of showiness can be judged from the instance of weighing the king and the major nobles with gold, during the festive times.

28. Michael H.Fisher, Beyond the Three Seas: Travellers’ Tales of Mughal India, New Delhi, Random House, 2007, pp. 258-60

29. The first Europeans to visit Kashmir were Father Jerome Xavier and Benedict de Goes who accompanied AKbar on his visit to the valley in 1579. Xavier’s account of the sufferings of the denizens of Kashmir in the famine of 1596 is heart rending. Khan, M. Ishaq, Perspectives on Kashmir: Historical Dimensions, Srinagar, Gulshan Publishers, 1983, p. 118

30. Abul Fazl wrote, “The country is enchanting (dilkusha), and might be fittingly called a garden of perpetual spring (bagh i hamesha bahar) surrounding a citadel terraced to the skies, and deservedly appropriate to be either the delight of the worldling or the retired abode of the recluse. Its streams are sweet to the taste, its waterfalls music to the ear, and its climate is invigorating...At the present time under the sway of His Imperial Majesty (dawariishahan shahi), it is the happy abode of many communities (ashaish jai gunagun), including natives of Iran and Turkestan as well as of Kashmir” AbulFazl, AiniAkbari, II, pp. 352, 385.

31. The Book of Ser Marco Polo, edited with an introduction by George B. Parks, New york, The Macmillan Company, 1927, P. 59

32. Bernier, Travels, p. 402

33. The shawl industry of Kashmir developed owing to influx of weavers into Kashmir from Persia and Central Asia following the introduction of Islam in the Valley during 14th century. According to John Irwin, “these immigrants not only introduced new pattern but also a new technique-the twil-tapestry technique which has a parallel in Persia and Central Asia but nowhere in India and Pakistan.” The Kashmiri Shawls, London, 1973, (The Marg, VI, No. 1, pp. 43-50) cited in Khan, M. Ishaq, Perspectives on Kashmir, p. 178

34. N. K. Zutshi, Sultan Zain-ul-Abidin of Kashmir: An Age of Enlightenment, NupurPrakashan, Lucknow, 1976, p. 203. Sukla Das, Fabric Art: Heritage of India, New Delhi, Abhinav Publications, pp. 35-36

35. See Jonaraja, Rajatarangini, English tr. J. C. Dutt, Calcutta, 1835. He wrote this book under the patronage of Sultan Zain-ul-Abidin.

36. Zutshi, Op. Cit. p. 188

37. This work was compiled during the period before the introduction of Islam in Kashmir in the fourteenth century. It is a long narrative of occurrences taking place in the Valley from the earliest times to 1149 AD. Based on several sources, traditions and legends, Rajatarangini of Kalhana Pandit was written in Kavya style or Verse. M. A. Stein translated it into English in 1900.

38. Ibid., p. 188

39. Zutshi, p. 189

40. Mirza Haider Dughlat, Tarikh-i-Rashidi, (ed.) N. Elias and tr. into English by E. Denison Ross, 1898, Reprnt. Karakoram Books, Srinagar, 2009, p. 381

41. Nizamuddin Ahmad, Tabaqat-I-Akbari, Eng. tr. by B. Dey and B. Prasad, Calcutta, 1927-39. P. 653

42. Tarikh-Rashidi, p. 434; Zutshi, Zain-ul-Abidin, p. 204; Mohibbul Hassan, Kashmir Under the Sultans, 1959, Reprnt. Srinagar, Gulshan Publisher, 2002, pp. 112-142

43. Jonaraja, Rajatarangini, Eng. Tr. J. C. Dutt titled The Kings of Kashmir, Vol. III, Calcutta, 1898, p. 90

Received on 14.11.2014

Revised on 25.11.2014

Accepted on 05.12.2014

Research J. Humanities and Social Sciences. 5(4): October-December, 2014, 394-402