These will have all the authority and jurisdiction required. Since there will no system of punishment in the accepted sense, this panchayat will be the legislature, judiciary and executive combined to operate for its year of office. Any village can become such a republic today without much interference, even from the present government whose sole effective connection with the villages is the extraction of the village revenue my purpose is to present an outline of villager government here there is a perfect democracy based upon individual freedom. The individual is an architect of his own government. The law of non violence rules him and his government. He and his village are able to defy the might of a world. For the law governing every villager is that he will suffer death in the defense of his and his villager’s honors” (quoted in Mahajan, and Sethi, 1958:333).

Despite the insistence of Gandhiji to recognize the village panchayat as the basic institution for Indian democracy but Dr, Ambedker who made the most significant contribution to the drafting of the Indian constitution did not share this view. He openly asked in the constituent assembly “what is the village, but a sink of localism, a den of ignorance, narrow mindness and communalism.” He felt that only a centralized polity would be able to protect the interest of the deprived castes. He genuinely believed that these village republics have been the ruination of India. The condition of the caste ridden Indian village then was such that one can easily understand why Dr, Ambedker thought this way. His strong opposition to the concept of village as the basic unit of administration had resulted in the panchayat not even finding a mention in the first draft of independent India’s constitution. However, as a compromise, the organization of village panchayat ultimately found entry through article 40 of the Indian constitution under the Directive Principle of the State Policy. This article merely state that “the state shall take the step to organize the village panchayat and endow them with such powers and authority as may be necessary to enable them to function as units of self government”. Since this left little obligation to introduce Panchayat Raj in India, there was no legislation at all to implement it until 1959 (Meenakshisundaram, 20004:110).

In the last days of the British rule, the provincial congress Government under the overall leadership of Mahatma Gandhi decided to take advantage of the provincial autonomy by creating statutory panchayat in the state in 1937. However, it could finally take shape after independence, the Bihar Government enacted the Bihar Panchayat Raj Act1947, and it was implemented throughout the state in the following years. The aims and objectives of the legislation noted that the act was enacted to established local self government in the rural communities so that they could work their social and economic development. The legislation was according to the provision in article 40 of the constitution enacted a few years after the enactment of the Bihar Panchayati Raj Act 1947. This Act assigned the village panchayat some executive functions of implementing development programmes and power of trying and deciding minor civil and criminal cases. Bihar, thus, has the distinction of being one of the first states of India to enact a formal legislation on Panchayat. (Dutta, 2004:49 and Kumar, 2007:50).

Bihar, like many other states elected these Panchayat but only at the village level .A three – tier Panchayati Raj system was enacted in the country following the recommendation of the Balwantry Mehta Committee in 1958.Not to be left behind, Bihar also legislated its Panchayat Samiti and Zila Parishad Act 1961 and created only two new units of rural local Government - Panchayat Samiti and Zila Parishad – the primary unit, the village Panchayat being already in operation since 1948. Bihar embarked on its journey towards greater decentralization with these two acts. (Kumar, 2007:52).

Only halfhearted attempts were made to implement the Panchayati Raj Institution in the state. It took two years for the state Government to draft a bill on the lines suggested by the Mehta team and another three years to have the law passed by the legislature and consented to by the governor. The implementation of the Bihar Panchayat Samitis and Zila Parishad act 1961 even in the few districts was delayed for about three more years. It took nearly two decades to enforce it throughout the state. The Panchayat Samiti and Zila Parishad were installed initially in the two districts of Ranchi and Bhagalpur in 1964 and in the same year the Government issued an ordinance for the postponement of the act of 1961.However, in 1965 Dhanbad was also covered by PRIs. The entire 14 district remained under district boards managed by the officials. In 1973 the PRIs were set up further in five districts of Santhal Parganas Giridih, Palamu, Hazaribagh, and Singhbhum. It was not before early eighties that all districts could be covered by the PRIs. Thus the Panchayat Samitis and Zila Parishad took a long time to be established in all the districts and could, in fact, never get institutionalized in the true sense of the term as properly functional institution. Hardly ever did the three tiers function simultaneously in any district (Kumar, 2007: 53 - 54).

The Panchayat elections were held in 1978, at the initiative of Karpoori Thakur, then chief minister of Bihar. The Panchayat elections of 1978 marked a shift in political power from the upper caste to the backward castes. Karpoori Thakur had implemented the Mungeri Lal Commission Report which entailed reservation in the states Government jobs for the backward caste (annexure I castes) and (annexure II caste) in Bihar. After the implementation of the report, the whole states got engulfed in agitation either in favor of reservation by backward castes or against the reservation by upper castes. The politics of Bihar has completely changed since then. There were two immediate results-firstly, the backward castes got political power for the first time, and they got the distinct identity. Secondly, most political parties got split vertically on the basis of the social divide between backward castes and upper caste. In this Karpoori Thakur was able to mix reservation with Panchayat elections. In the absence of full political support at the state level, He had opted for decentralization by giving power to the backward castes. Thus he was able to strengthen his position at the state level by getting political support from the backward castes belonging to many political parties (Gupta, 2001:2742).

In Bihar, the process of decentralization of power stopped after 1983 but the process of giving power to the backward castes could not be stopped. By the time Laloo Prasad came to power in the wake of the Mandal Commission, the electoral empowerment of the backward castes had taken place. While political insecurity had made Thakoor hasten the process of decentralization, Laloo Prasad could afford to ignore it because of his relative social and political stability which he derived from the support of the backward castes. He was politically more engaged with the implications of the collapse of the upper castes power in the 1990 assembly elections. The subsequent election of 1995 and 2000 further strengthen his political support. He could not afford to weaken his position by the decentralization of power which could strengthen the powerful upper castes in rural areas (Gupta, 2001:2742).

Once the tenure of the elected Gram Panchayat came to an end in 1983, the Bihar government took recourse to promulgate ordinances to give new lease of life to its PRIs. Through this novel device, the successive Government of Bihar went on extending tenure of Mukhiyas and Pramukh after every six month by re-promulgating the same ordinances. Earlier, Bihar had already earned the infamy for its rule through ordinances but not contended with this dubious distinction the state continued with this pattern of decentralization through ordinances for more than 15 years (Ghose, 2007:168). During this period a large number of Mukhiyas grew old and died. In their place were brought a new type of Mukhiyas – nominated by directorate of Panchayat, Patna. In fact, this task of nominating Mukhias became the fulltime job of one of the deputy directors otherwise in-charge of the Panchayat election at the directorate. Most importantly, all through this period, a few seats in the legislatives council (upper house of the Bihar assembly) reserved for the legislature indirectly elected by an electoral college comprising elected members of both the Panchayat and municipal bodies, remained vacant. Such a flagrant violation of the constitution never became an issue for the political class in Bihar. After all, the continuation of the Panchayat was a precondition for receiving the rural development funds from the union ministry of rural development, particularly under the Jawahar Rojgar Yojna whose quantum, since 1985 onwards has increased with every budget (Ghose, 2007:168).

Since there was no participation of all section of the society like weaker sections and women in Panchayat up to 1980s, a large section of the people remained deprived of benefits of development. In view of this parliament enacted 73^rd Constitutional Amendment in which there was reservation of seats for women and other weaker section. All the states governments were directed to implement provisions of the 73^rd Constitutional Amendment in their states with immediate effect. Following the directives of the Central Government the Bihar Government enacted the Bihar Panchayati Raj Act, 1993 (Dutta,2004:50).The new Bihar Panchayati Raj Act 1993 implemented by the Bihar Government throughout the state an order issued by the Panchayati Raj directorate. This new act repealed the old Panchayati Raj Act 1947 and the Bihar Panchayat Samiti and Zila Parishad Act 1961. It has the advantage the consolidating the two acts into one (Matthew, 2000:82).

The act seeks to strengthen the Gram Sabha so that its meetings have to be held every three months. It would consider and look into the statements of accounts, audit report, budgets development program and the reports of the vigilance committees but will not approve them. Vigilance Committees are to be created by the Gram Sabha from the members outside the panchayat, and through these committees the Gram Sabha may control and play a useful role in panchayat activities. The act provides for direct election of mukhia and other Panchayat members. The election of member of Panchayat Samiti and Zila Parishad is also direct, but the election of the block Pramukhs and Zila Adhyaksha. As is indirect. The act reserves one third seats for women. This includes one third of SCs / STs / BCs seats the number of which is determined in proportion of the population belonging to these categories in the area. The same ratio would prevail in Samitis and Parishad while the ratio of Mukhias, Pramukh and Adhyaksha would also be the same, as these posts are also reserved in the same way the reserved seats would be allotted on the basis of rotation (Matthew, 2000:83).

The new act has provision in section 157 (f) the existing Panchayat will continue to function as per new act till election to the Panchayat are held. The state government took benefit of this lacuna and silence of the 73^rd Amendment to the Constitution of India regarding the first election after the enactment of States Panchayati Raj laws to put off election to the Panchayat. While elections were held twice in almost all the states, in Bihar the first election could not take place till April, 2001. Delimitation of the Panchayat was first issue and the state government referred the case to the State Election Commission. The real problem however cropped up on the issue of reservation. Though the constitution has provision for the reservation of posts for the SCs and STs, it is silent reservation of posts for Backwards Classes and has left this to the discretion of State. Accordingly, Bihar legislature passed a law to fix quota for the Backward Classes. This infuriated a section of society and they moved to the Patna High Court with a petition. After lengthy hearing the Patna High Court ruled on March 18, 1996, that single post like Mukhiya, Sarpanch, Pramukh and Adhyakhsha would not be reserved. It also ruled that reservation would not exceed 50 per cent of the total seats in different tiers of Panchayat. It was against this decision that the Bihar Government filed a petition in the Supreme Court. On February 24, 1997 the bench of judges hearing the case dissolved the Panchayat for which the elections were held in 1978. It vested the work of Gram Panchayat on Gram Sewaks and that of Panchayat Samiti on Block Development Officers. On July 22, 1997 the Supreme Court bench ruled that no election could be held till it gave the verdict. This created a peculiar situation as funds for rural development continue to lapse. The Central Rural Development Secretary made it clear that no fund would be allocated till elections were held. Meanwhile, another case was filed by the Panchayat Parishad, a network of Mukhiyas of the state, over the delay on ruling. After the Panchayat Bachao Abhiyan was formed with a view to fighting the cause of the people who had been deprived of their rights. To press the point further the various social organizations of the state launched a signature and postcard campaign. Their target was to collect one lakh singnatures.The post cards were addressed to Supreme Court and a copy of each was sent to the president the Prime Minister, the Chief Minister and the State Election Commission. In another development the Rural Development Minister announced in July 1998 in the State Legislative Assembly that the government would hold Panchayat election in the state only after the Supreme Court disposed of the petition challenged the Patna High Court order striking down certain provision of reservation in the Bihar Panchayati Raj Act, 1993. On March 28, 1999, activist of the Bihar Pradesh Lok Samiti and the Manav Jodo Abhiyan decided to organize dharna at all the district headquarters on April 8 to mount pressure on the government to hold Panchayat election at the earliest. Due to joint effort of several NGOs Panchayat bachao abhiyan and several activists the Patna High Court ordered the Bihar government announced that it would hold election to Panchayat and local bodies in February 2001. But the High Court order put the State Government in a fix as it ruled out any reservation for single posts. Thus, it kept post of Mukhiyas and Sarpanch at the Gram Panchayat level, Pramukh at the Block level and Adhyaksha at the District level out of ambit of reservation. Besides it directed the government to keep the reservation within 50 percent. Then government decided to make suitable amendment in the Panchayati Raj Act, 1993.After the amendment it took several months and lastly Panchayat election took place in April2001 (Dutta, 2004:52).

The Panchayat election could not be avoided due to the intervention of the Patna High Court. The broad results of the election largely conform to the social and political trends in Bihar since the last Panchayat election in 1978 which had gradually strengthen the hold of the backward castes on the state’s political power structure. The 2001 Panchayat election will go down in the history of Bihar as turning point for the electoral empowerment of the backward castes. Till recently, they were not given political and social importance although they constitute more than 33 per cent of the total population. In these Panchayat elections, however, they have decisively established their identity. Not only they emerged as chairman of Zila Parishad, but a large number of them have been elected either as Mukhiyas or as a member of the Zila Parishads (Gupta, 2001:2743).

Besides backward castes, even the schedule castes candidates have performed well in Panchayat elections. A number of schedule castes members have got elected from the flaming fields of south Bihar plain, the most developed part of the state- the very area where they had to face the main burnt of the atrocities from the upper castes armed outfits, like Ranveer Sena. The Panchayat elections have shown the heightened awareness of the schedule castes. About 1.6 percent of the total number of Mukhiyas is from the schedule castes and they all got elected in direct contest. They were not given the luxury of reservation (Gupta, 2001:2744).

Thus there is due representation of the backward castes and scheduled castes in PRIs in Bihar. They have been elected as members as well as Mukhiyas and chairman of Zila Parishad. There is empowerment of the backward castes and schedule castes in Bihar in PRIs. The Muslim community in Bihar can be considered to be empowered if it gets due representation in Parliament, state legislature and PRIs. It is also necessary for the Muslim community to participate in decision making in these bodies as members and in position such as Mukhiyas and chairman’s. The empowerment of Muslim communities in this way can lead to its socio-economic development.

Educational Deprivation of the Muslim Community:

The role of the economy in facilitating social and economic development accepted today. Improvements in the functional and analytical ability of children and youth through education open up opportunities leading to both individual and group empowerment. Muslims are at a double disadvantage with low levels of education combined with low quality of education. Their deprivation increases manifold as the level of education rises (SCR, 2006:49 50). Despite overall improvement in educational status, the rate of progress has been the slowest for Muslims. In other words, while educational attainments of Muslims has improved over period of years, it has done so at a more gradual pace than other Socio religious categories so that the expected convergence has not occurred. Instead, the gap between Muslims and advantaged section actually widened since independences and particularly since the 1980s. At the time of independence, the socio-economic position of SCs and STs was recognized to be inferior to that of Muslims. Apparently, Muslim has not been able to reap the benefit of planning and have gradually slipped further and further behind other Socio Religious Categories. (SCR, 2006:50 51 52).

The most commonly used estimate of educational development is literacy which in the census. Just about 65.1 % of India’s population is literate. Literacy levels are expectedly higher for males 75.3% and for females 53.7% .literacy is also higher in urban areas 79.9% than in rural areas 58.7%. This gap of about 20 %. Point between rural and urban areas and across gender has been a persistent feature of Indian society over the last two decades despite the increase in literacy levels during this period. The literacy rates among the Muslim’s in 2001 was 59.1%. This is far below the national average 65.1%. In urban areas literacy is lower for Muslims 70.1% than the national average 79.9% and in rural areas literacy is 52.7% for Muslims which is also below the national average 58.7 %. Muslims women with a literacy level of 50% have been able to keep with women with other communities and are much ahead of the SCs and STs Women in rural India.

On an average a child goes to school for only four years. The mean year of schooling of Muslims is the lowest (about three years four months). A comparison across socio religious categories, both by gender and place of residence also reveals consistently lower levels of mean year schooling for the Muslims community. In 1999-00, Muslim had the lowest enrolment rate among all socio religious categories except SCs and STs and this rate was 78 % of the average enrolment rates for the population as a whole (SCR,2006:56 57). As many as 25 % of Muslim children in the 6-14 year group have either never attend school or have dropped out .this is higher than that of any other Socio Religious Categories. The incident of dropouts is also high among Muslims and only SCs and STs have a marginally high dropout rate than Muslim (SCR, 2006:58).

In general, deferential in school education attainment across the Socio Religious Categories are significant in both in rural and urban areas. Typically, the attainment levels of Muslims are closer to slightly higher than those of SCs and STs. However, in the aggregate, the attainment levels of Muslims in rural areas are often lower than those of SCs and STs. This is essentially because the educational attainments of Muslim women in rural areas are lower than those of SCs and STs Women. While 26% of that 17 year and above have completed matriculation, this percentage is only 17 % amongst Muslims. As was the case for literacy, even at the matriculation levels, expansion of educational opportunities since independence has not led to a convergence of attainment levels between Muslims and all others (SCR, 2006:59 60).

The first striking feature is that the probability of completing different levels of school education (primary, middle, secondary etc) has increased for all communities during 1983-2000. The sharpest rise has been in the probability of completing middle school for all communities including Muslims. But differences still exist and the Muslims and SCs and STs are behind other on an average based on four year data, about 62% of the eligible children in the upper caste Hindu and other religious groups (excluding Muslims) are likely to complete primary education followed by the Muslims (44%) SCs (39%) and STs (32%). However, once children complete primary education the proportion of children completing middle school is the same (65%) for Muslims, SCs and STs, But lower than all others (75 %). Interestingly in the transition from secondary to college education, Muslim perform somewhat better than SCs and STs, while only 23%of SCs and STs student who complete secondary are likely to complete college education. This percentage is 26%for Muslims and 34% for other groups (SCR, 2006:62).

In India, a significant proportion of the relevant population still remains deprived of the benefit of higher education, and the Muslim comprises of an important category of the deprived communities according to census data. While only about 7percent of the population aged 20 years and above is graduate or hold diploma, this proportion is less than 4 percent amongst Muslims. Besides, those having technical education at the appropriate ages (18years and above) are as low as one percent and amongst Muslims, that is almost nonexistent (SCR, 2006:64 65).

The SCs and STs and Muslims are the most disadvantaged as their respective shares are much lower than their share in the population in the case of Muslims their share in graduates 6 %while their share in populating aged 20 years and above is about double at over 11%. In the case of Muslim the attainment is less than half compared to all others and the gap is much more prominent in urban areas for both man and women. But what is certain is a widening gap between Muslim man and women compared with all others, and an almost certain possibilities that Muslims will for behind even as SCs and STs if the trend is not reversed (SCR, 2006:65 66).

The Muslims are educationally deprived community of Bihar. The Bihar has lowest literacy rate 47.53 % among all states of India and union territories. The rural literacy of Bihar is 43.92 % and urban literacy rate of Bihar is 71.93 %. The male literacy of Bihar is 59.68 % and female literacy of Bihar is 33.12 %. The Hindu literacy rate is 47.9 %. The male literacy rate of the Hindu is 61.2 % and female literacy rate of the Hindu is 33.4 %. The rural literacy rate of the Hindu is 30.5 % and urban literacy rate of the Hindu is 44.28 %. The Muslims have only 42 % literacy rate which is far below the Hindu literacy rate (47.9%) and Bihar average 47.53%. The male literacy rate of Muslim is 51. 8 % and female literacy rate of Muslim is 31. 5 % which is far below the state average for male (59.68%) and for female (33.12%). The rural literacy rate of Muslim is 38.68% and urban literacy rate of Muslim is 64.34 % which is below the state average for rural (43.92%) and urban (71.93%) according to 2001 census.

Economic Deprivation of Muslims Community:

Economic participation is the key to empowerment. Availability of work provides and communities with the opportunities to participate in the exercise of power. Broadly, worker population rates provide an idea of extent of participation of economic activity by a specific population. Worker population ratios for Muslims are especially lower than for all other Socio Religious Categories in the rural areas but only marginally lower in urban areas .The low aggregate work participation ratios for Muslims are essentially due to much lower participation ratios for Muslims are essentially due to much lower participation in economic activity by women in the community. Unemployment rates reflect person’s available for and seeking employment as a proportion of the labour force. Unemployment rates are slightly higher for all Muslims than for all Hindus but these are differences within each group. In general, within the Hindus, unemployment rates are lower for high castes Hindus than others especially the SCs and STs Population. Unemployment rates among Muslims (male, female rural urban) are lower than SCs and STs but higher than Hindu UCs. They are also higher than Hindu OBCs except in urban areas. The most striking feature is the relatively high share of Muslim workers engaged in self –employment activity. This is particularly true in urban areas and for women workers. (SCR, 2006:87 - 91).

As employees, Muslims generally work as casual labourers. In the case of SCs and STs Workers. The participation of Muslim workers in salaried jobs (both in the public and private sector) is quite low. In the aggregate while 25 percent of Hindus UCs workers are engaged in regular jobs, only about 13 percent of Muslim workers are engaged in such job. The situation of SCs and STs Worker is no batter .lack of access to regular jobs, especially in the public sector has been a general concern among the Muslim population. The condition of the Muslims with respect to regular jobs does not seem very different from those of OBCs and SCs and ST Hindu. However, distribution by activity status of workers in urban areas brings out sharply that participation of Muslims in regular job’s is quite limited as compared to even the traditionally disadvantaged SCs and STs. only about 27percent of the Muslim workers in urban areas are engaged in regular work while the share of such workers among SCs, STs and OBCs and Hindu UCs workers is 40, 36 and 49 percent respectively. Regular jobs in large enterprises however are more than stable and lucrative. Less than 24 percent of Muslim regular workers are employed in the public sector or in government jobs. this proportion is much higher for other Socio Religious Categories, while about 39 percent of regular SCs and STs workers are engaged in such jobs the share for Hindu UCs and Hindu OBC workers is 37 and 30 percent respectively, the shares of regular jobs in the large private enterprises (private and public limited) shows a similar pattern with Muslims having the lowest share, save Hindu SCs and STs Workers. These differences are sharper in urban areas with a relatively much lower proportion of Muslim workers engaged in such jobs (SCR-2006 92 - 94).

Participation of Muslim workers in agricultural activities is much lower than the workers of all other Socio Religious Categories. In addition, the participation of Muslim male workers is somewhat higher than others in the manufacture of fabricated metal products (except machinery and equipment).Among non manufacturing industries, land transports and retail trade (especially for male) are activities where a larger proportion of Muslim workers are located than workers of other Socio Religious Categories. The shares of Muslims in the total workers engaged in the tobacco and textile /garment related industries are quite significant. More than 41 percent of the male workers engaged in the manufacture of tobacco products are Muslims, the share of the Muslim women in this sectors is 35 percent .30 percent Muslim male workers are engaged in the manufacture of garments, wearing apparel etc. And Muslim women worker is 17 percent (SCR, 2006:99). Muslim participation is lower in professional, technical, clerically and managerial work. In proportion to their population, Muslims are relatively much fever in the formal sector, in both public and private sector employment which provide some measure of social security, status and power (Shah, 2007:838).

One can summaries that in general Muslim men and women are in inferior jobs and they have poor human and economic status, widespread illiteracy, low income and irregular employment are characteristic of India Muslims implying the by a high incidence of poverty relative to other social group in India (Sheriff and Azam-2004.8-9). Over all 22.75% of India’s population was poor 2004 -05 in absolute numbers. This amount to over 251 million people spread across India. The SCs and STs together are the most poor with a Head Count Ratio of 35% followed by the Muslim who record the second highest incidence of poverty with 31% People below the poverty line. The Hindu general is the least poor categories with an HCR of only 8.7 %.and OBCs hold the intermediary level of HCR of 21%, which is also close to the all India average (SCR, 2006:157 -158).

Muslims tend to be relatively more vulnerable in terms of conditions of work as their concentration in informal sector employment is higher and their jobs condition even among regular workers are less for Muslims than those of other Socio Religious Categories (SCR,2006:106). Poor socio economic condition, lower education lack of access to health care services, low income and so on amongst Muslims (Sheriff and Azam, 2004:16). The Gopal Singh Commission during 1980s found that the economic condition of Muslims was even worse compared with socially deprived SCs (Sheriff and Azam, 2004:27). Muslim were deprived of benefit of developmental schemes which Government launched for ameliorating conditions of poor and marginalized section of the society and their marginalized status is not merely confirmed by individual researcher and surveys of voluntary organizations but also committees of Government (Waheed,2007:1). But the Government agencies appear to be indifferent and discriminatory towards them.

Need for Representation of the Muslim Community:

Educational and economic deprivation of the Muslim is mainly due to the fact that Muslims were deprived of benefits of developmental schemes which government launched for ameliorating condition of disadvantaged and marginalized section of the society (Waheed, 2007:1). For any development or welfare program to reach out a deprived and backward community demands due representation in decision making bodies such as parliament, state legislature and PRIs (Sheriff and Azam, 2004:77). Participation in decision making bodies is an indicator of a community’s empowerment. In a democracy the legislature and other decision making bodies are key to power. The fact is that the Muslims community is inadequately is simply not represented in several Legislatures and even in the Lok Sabha and this shows there is lake of empowerment. Its represented is less than 50 % of what it should be, assessed as per the share in the population. Absence of legislators from any social group in a plural and segmental society puts groups at a clear disadvantaged in development. Representation in decision making bodies such as parliament, state legislature and Panchayati Raj Institution is necessary for development.

The representation of Muslims in the Lok Sabha and state assemblies is not that of any recent decline but it is rather one of the persistent pattern of under representation from 1952 to 2004.The fact is that the promise of fair and generous treatment of minorities and assurances of due representation without any constitutional safeguard has not fulfilled (Ansari, 2006:15-16). The under representation of Muslims in the Lok Sabha from 1952 to 2004 shows that Muslims elected to be the Lok Sabha during this period is 442, the expected Muslims on the basis of their population 836, their deprivation is 47.12% (Table,5.1) and so the representation is less than half of their proportion in the population. The representation of Muslims in parliament from the state of Bihar from 1952 to 2004 so that the average Muslims population in Bihar is 13.3%, seats in the Lok Sabha from 1952 to 2004 is 699, expected Muslim members elected are 97 but Muslims members elected are 52, so the deprivation rate is 46.39% (Table, 5.2) and so the representation is less than half of their proportion in the rural population. The under representation of Muslims in Bihar state legislative assembly from 1952 to 2000 so that the average population of Bihar is 13.3%, in the legislative assembly total members are 3864, Muslim members elected 274 but expected Muslims members are 512 and average deprivation rate of the Muslims is 46.48 % (Table, 5.3) and so the representation is less than half of their proportion in the population.

TABLE (5.1): Muslim Representation in the Lok Sabha (Quoted in Ansari, 2006:64)

1952-2004

NO	Year	Total elected member	Muslims elected	Muslim expected on the basis of their population	Deprivation %
I	1952	489	21	49	57.14
II	1957	494	24	49	51.02
III	1962	494	23	53	56.60
IV	1967	520	29	56	48.28
V	1971	518	30	58	48.28
VI	1977	542	34	61	44.26
VII	1980	529	49	59	16.95
VIII	1984	542	46	62	25.81
XI	1989	529	33	60	45.00
X	1991	534	28	65	56.92
XI	1996	543	28	66	57.56
XII	1998	543	29	66	56.06
XIII	1999	543	32	66	51.52
XIV	2004	543	36	66	45.45
Total			442	836	47.12

TABLE (5.2): Muslims Representation in Lok Sabha from Bihar State (Quoted in Ansari, 2006:66)

Average Muslim population in the State: 13.3%

Elect ion	Years	seats	Muslims in the state %	Expected Muslim member	Muslim Member Elected
I	1952	55	11.28	7	3
II	1957	53	11.28	7	3
III	1962	53	12.45	7	2
IV	1967	53	12.45	7	2
V	1971	53	13.48	7	3
VI	1977	54	13.48	7	2
VII	1980	54	13.48	7	5
VIII	1984	54	14.13	7	6
IX	1989	54	14.13	7	3
X	1991	54	14.81	7	6
XI	1996	54	14.81	7	4
XII	1998	54	14.81	7	6
XIII	1999	54	14.81	7	3
XIV	2004	40	14.81	6	4
Total		699	13.3	97	52

Total elected: 52

Deprivation: 46.39%

TABLE (5.3): Muslim Representation in Bihar Legislative Assembly (Quoted in Ansari.2006:182)

Year	Total members	Muslims members	percentage	% in population	Expected
1952	330	23	6.97	11.28	37
1957	318	26	8.18	11.28	36
1962	318	22	6.92	12.45	40
1967	318	17	5.35	12.45	40
1969	318	20	6.29	12.45	40
1972	318	22	6.92	13.48	43
1977	318	24	7.41	13.48	44
1980	324	24	7.41	13.48	44
1985	324	29	8.95	14.13	46
1990	324	17	5.25	14.13	46
1995	324	21	6.48	14.81	48
2000	324	29	8.95	14.81	48
Total Average		274	7.09	13.34	512

Deprivation: 46.48%

The numerical strength of backward castes has led to their proportion to the elected members considerably increasing over a period of time in parliament and in state assemblies. Due to reservation, the representation of the SCs and STs is adequate to their population. The number of the Muslim members in all the decision making bodies is not only in adequate but in fact, has striking decline in parliament and most the state assemblies. The pattern seems to be the same at the level of the local Government (Shah, 2007:838). There is due representation of backward castes SCs and STs in PRIs in Bihar. This shows representation of the backward castes and SCs in Bihar in PRIs. Muslim community can be considered to be empowered only if it gets due representation in proportion to its population in these local bodies.

REFERENCES:

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Received on 13.05.2011

Accepted on 20.06.2011